ps: There is another update today, but it will be a little later...

Zhukov and Huasilevsky had obvious differences in their views on the issue, and often they were even completely different. They gave up the Leningrad incident. Huasilevsky's interpretation was that he shortened the front line due to military needs, saved troops, and won valuable reorganization opportunities. Zhukov's interpretation was that Comrade Stalin needed to test the credibility of the Germans, and more importantly, he tested the acceptance of the domestic people's armistice with Germany, and how to view the problems of the party and state leaders.

Therefore, Zhukov concluded that even if Comrade Stalin agreed to the centripetal attack of the north and south, his starting point was not to continue the war. On the contrary, he was looking for a decent and secure path to peace, and Vasilevsky's delay tactics were destined to not be adopted because they did not meet the political premise.

As for Zhukov, he actually had one of the best choices, which was to immediately use the existing situation and conditions to quickly make peace with the German army. Because the news of the British trying to make peace has also spread, and once Britain surrenders, the pressure on the Eastern Front will further increase. As for the Americans, he did not think that Roosevelt had any counterattack ability, they themselves must at least solve the Cabernet issue first.

Practice has proved that Zhukov's conjecture is correct. Molotov used the sentence "qualified chief of staff" to describe Huasilevsky, and interpreted this "scholar spirit" to the fullest.

However, Stalin obviously had different ideas on how to make peace, otherwise he would not ignore Zhukov's "optimal plan", but instead chose the suboptimal plan and was thinking about fighting a battle.

"What do you think about the truce at the grassroots level?" Although Stalin had obtained some folk voices from Beria, he was still a little worried and wanted to find someone else to confirm or implement it.

"The voices at the grassroots level are very complicated." Molotov sighed, "Some comrades believe that the war has progressed to this level, and the chances of the Red Army to achieve military victory are extremely slim. It is painful to learn from Comrade Lenin to sign the second Brest contract, but there is still hope of a comeback. This part is led cadres and middle-level officers above the middle level; a small number of comrades believe that the war has been fought to this point, but the enemy is also difficult. If you continue to persist, the dawn may appear in front of you. There are also a very small number of comrades who believe that the war cannot be signed with the enemy, but you cannot persist here. It is recommended to relocate the party and state institutions to the Far East and Siberia, and some of the Red Army will be broken into pieces. The strategy of fighting guerrilla warfare after falling into territory is drawn from China's example. After losing most of the elite territory, the Nanjing government will not be peaceful with Japan, nor will it have relations with the Japanese puppet regime, but will relocate to the southwest region to continue to resist."

According to Molotov's summary: the first opinion is to advocate learning from Lenin; the second opinion is to study the Paris Commune, and the third opinion is to study China, but he cleverly avoided his tendency opinions.

Stalin turned his attention to Voroshilov, who replied: "I personally think the third one is not a good idea. The Soviets are different from China. The population of the Far East and Siberia is too small, even less than 10% of the country's total population, and the economic foundation is weak and cannot be maintained for a long time. Although the southwest China's southwest region is much worse than that of the coastal areas, the gap is not as large as ours, and its population density is not low. The Chongqing regime still has at least 40% of the country's total population when the situation is worst. As for the second one, I think we need to master the strategy of struggle..."

The so-called strategy actually means that if Lenin agreed to the majority of the party and Germany to fight to the end, the new Bolshevik regime would immediately become the second Paris Commune. Voroshilov was one of Stalin's confidant generals. His level of fighting completely insulted the title of marshal, but his political power and observing expressions and thinking about the superiority completely exceeded that of most people. Otherwise, three of the five marshals were washed away at the beginning, and the other Budonnie is now standing aside, and only he is still alive. If he had no level, he would have become a sacrifice to the Ministry of Internal Affairs long ago.

Stalin nodded. Voroshilov's opinion was actually very clear. The third one was not a good idea; the second one was a dead end, and the only choice was the first one.

"It seems that most comrades agree with the first method..." Stalin said slowly, "This shows that the secret actions and decisions of the Party Central Committee some time ago were supported by the masses and reflected the fundamental interests of the majority. Do you think so?"

Molotov and Voroshilov looked at each other, pondered for a moment, and nodded at the same time.

Seeing the two of them express their opinions, Stalin couldn't help but sigh of relief: If anyone understands his words from the surface, anyone who is the perfect fool, such as the poor Vasilevsky, might fall into it. The implicit intention of Stalin's question is to ask these two trusted subordinates: If he makes peace with the Axis on behalf of the Party and the State, can he continue to be approved by the majority? Will it not affect the status of the Party and the status of the leader?

So these two men had to think about it before they dared to nod. If they nodded easily now, and once the news leaked out and were opposed by insiders and outsiders, Molotov and Voroshilov would soon be pushed out as scapegoats.

"How is the peace talks between you and Ribbintrop? Will the Germans suddenly change their minds and raise their conditions?"

"The German conditions are there, at least not yet adjusted," Molotov added. "On the contrary, Ribbentrop repeatedly assured me that Hitler did not completely destroy the Bolsheviks, nor did he have the idea of ​​liquidating the main leaders. What he wanted was a European excluding the Soviets, with Germany as the core, who had the same values, consciousness-forms and regime organizations. In order to eliminate competitors that threatened them the greatest threat, he launched this war. He said that in the future, the two Russias will be independent, and Vlasov's pseudo-government will be absorbed by him into an integrated Europe, and as for us, we can exist independently."

"It's not that he doesn't want to destroy us, he doesn't want to pay a higher price unless he plans to fight for another 2-3 years and die 23 million Germans." Stalin sneered, "The reason he is willing to make peace with us is because he believes that we no longer pose a threat to Germany at present. He has to concentrate on dealing with the United States and then fulfill his dream of the world overlord."

"This is where we can use it." Voroshilov immediately added like a doggy-legged sentence.

"Send a telegram to Comrade Zhukov and ask him to return to Moscow to take charge. All Central Asian countries will recognize their independence. Anyway, they are all Tatars." Stalin waved his hand indifferently, "please ask him to deploy a combat plan immediately. My goal is to use four fronts and 1.4 million troops to implement the offensive plan of the north-south advancing, threaten but not to fight against the enemy, let Hitler realize our strength and force him to accept the modification of the terms that are beneficial to us."

"Do you need to ask Comrade Meletskov to help him?" When I solicited private opinions some time ago, Meletskov was the closest to Zhukov's concept, so Voroshilov had this question.

"No need, continue to ask the Chief of General Staff for assistance. The overall battle was chaired by Comrade Konstantin." Stalin paused, "The Northern Line Cluster was commanded by Meletskov, and the Southern Line Cluster was..."

Speaking of this, Stalin suddenly got stuck. He thought that the commanders of the several fronts in the south were not very good at fighting, and he couldn't pick out the candidate for the favored commander for a while. Bagramiyan, recommended by Zhukov, also fought a lot last time.

Molotov coughed and reminded: "Comrade Vatujing, Yelemenko has a bad temper, Comrade Rokosovsky is too slippery, Comrade Malinovsky and Comrades Tolbuhin are not qualified, but he should be given a smart chief of staff, and the political commissar should be more effective."

"This suggestion is good. The Chief of Staff will let Comrade Sergei Matvievich Szetemenko be the role, and the Political Commissar Khrushchev be the role."

Voroshilov also nodded repeatedly: If it were the past, everyone was rushing to get such titles. Now the situation is not good, everyone is a little afraid of the situation. Even these popular positions have become idle, and no one wants to become the second brother of Temuxin.

"What modifications do you want to make about the contract content?"

"First, the two regimes need to jointly issue a declaration to explain the opinions of national self-determination. At the same time, within Russia, based on different understandings of the socialist path, the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks explored separately. They have seen each other. Both sides recognize that they are independent components of the Soviet Union regime and are a whole. When foreign exchanges are discussed, they are called Russia (Bangladesh) and Russia (Bangladesh); Second, the borders of the two countries are based on the existing actual control line, and a 200-kilometer safe zone can be set up, which can be stationed by the German army, but the total number of German troops should not exceed 1 million.

The stationing time shall not exceed 5 years, and the number of people stationed by the relevant foreign teams within the Menshevik regime shall not exceed 300,000; Third, the Menshevik regime shall have independent laws, military and economic systems, and the trade between the two sides shall not be subject to tariffs; Fourth, the total strength of the Menshevik regime shall not exceed 500,000, and the Bolshevik regime shall not exceed 3 million; Fifth, the total scale of the Soviet reparations against the axis shall not exceed 10 billion marks, which shall be paid in 30 years, and shall be shared between the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks at a ratio of 1:6, and the latter two shall not claim compensation from each other..."

Stalin said more than 10 opinions in one go. Judging from his unstoppable rhythm, it was obviously a long time to be brewing: some were clarifications of the vague content before, some were interpretations of the content that had avoided talking about, and some were completely supplemented and adjusted.

Molotov nodded: "Then I will use this revision opinion as a model and continue to negotiate with the Germans, confuse the public and cover up our army's development."

The other two nodded. They obviously didn't know that it was less than 20 hours before the launch of the "Dawn" campaign... (To be continued.)
Chapter completed!