It is a joke to let a group of Guanglu doctors who had never had administrative experience elect the highest rulers in the empire!

These guys who advocate simple talk and do not understand practice finally recommended that most of the moral perfection who does not understand practice and has a very high reputation is a disaster for the entire China.

There are examples in history, such as Wang Mang!

Of course, Lin Chunhong knew that in the future, institutions like Guangluyuan would eventually appear, and the supreme ruler of the entire country would be elected through voting by members of parliament or by one person in the people, one person in the country.

Lin Chunhong sniffed this method.

Of course, this method is much more advanced than the hereditary system, but the good is limited. Those who can climb to a high position through elections are generally more perfect in terms of morality, and must have strong performance and speech skills, but when it comes to governing the country, it is difficult to judge.

Perhaps, one person, one vote is more suitable for small countries and few people, and for countries with traditional loose organization, but for countries like the Ming Dynasty with a large population, vast territory, and historically accustomed to centralization.

Lin Chunhong is sure that decades later, if the Ming Dynasty elected the Prime Minister of the Cabinet by Guanglu Yuan, the final candidate would not be the person with the strongest political skills and the most real power, civil strife would inevitably break out in the Ming Dynasty.

Rather than this, it is better to directly decide the bureaucracy to get the right person with the most real power.

However, Lin Chunhong did not all oppose the proposals of Huang Zongxi and others. For example, the five-year term setting is more reasonable. If a foolish person ascends to the throne, the five-year term setting can minimize the losses.

As for Huang Zongxi's concern that the mediocre Prime Minister of the cabinet would not stop until death, Lin Chunhong also found it very difficult.

Generally speaking, the leader can be a mediocre person for his whole life, such as Zhang Juzheng and Yan Song (who stepped down only after he was over 80 years old, and he would not stop until his death). Zhang Juzheng was a hero of the Ming Dynasty's revival, so he would naturally be safe in the throne, but if a guy like Yan Song stayed in the throne, it would be a disaster for the Ming Dynasty.

Is it stipulated that the Prime Minister of the Cabinet serves up to two terms? Or is it granted the Guanglu Yuan the right to impeach?

Just when Lin Chunhong was struggling, he suddenly received a secret report: Huang Taiji sent someone to contact Wu Sangui and Zu Dashou and persuaded them to surrender to the Qing Dynasty. Wu Sangui and Zu Dashou did not comment.

It seems that Huang Taiji is quite familiar with the situation of the Ming Dynasty and uses a secret trick. Wu Sangui and Zu Dashou followed the trend and regarded himself as a hot commodity for the court, the Qing Tartars and Jingzhou.

This opportunity was quite good. After all, the imperial court transferred back to Jingguo and the imperial guards, and the troops in Jingzhou around the capital seemed a bit insufficient.

Given the increasing complexity of the situation, the literati class, imperial power, and local warlords were entangled in a group, and the prospects became increasingly unclear. Lin Chunhong and Zhou Wang discussed for a long time and decided to transfer the Longwu Legion (the previous chapters have written the Longwu Legion and the Tianwu Legion. The Longwu Legion is a cavalry Legion, commander Wu Tianzhu, to fight in the Western Regions. The Tianwu Legion is the original heavy infantry Legion, commander Li Guangzu, stationed in Fangcheng.) back to Xi'an to shock the grassland, the northwest, and the Western Regions defense is temporarily under the responsibility of the Divine Blade Army.

The Tianwu Legion and the Cavalry Legion left the garrison and headed to Tongzhou through the canal.

In addition, the Lieutenant Army took over the defense of Guangnan and transferred the Dragon and Tiger Army to the north to station in Lushun and Fuzhou.

In April of the 15th year of Chongzhen, the legions were in place. Lin Chunhong surrounded the capital and immediately deployed seven legions, namely Wuwei, Jinwu, Longhu, Tiger Roar, Majestic Power, Cavalry, and Tianwu, with nearly 150,000 troops.

The situation around the capital suddenly became tense.

Of course, it was just for Guangluyuan and the court. Lin Chunhong's side only felt that the situation was completely under control and there was no slightest tension.

Lin Chunhong has been obsessed with the possibility of power being taken by the Prime Minister of the Cabinet and raised his own concerns to Zhou Wang.

Zhou Wang clearly opposed the limited term system and the impeachment power of Guangluyuan.

Zhou Wang, as his father-in-law, reminded: "If you limit your term of office, after ten years, will you continue to do it or give up the power in your hands? If you really want to give up the power in your hands, your successor will be shrouded in your shadow, and you will inevitably try to reduce your influence. You may even use conspiracy to plot against you. At that time, will you fight back or let it go? This is the source of chaos."

"As for the impeachment power, those Guanglu doctors who were from Jinshi came to the capital, they colluded with the court and were not trustworthy at all. Once they impeach you, they may drive you out of power. At that time, there will be another turmoil and trouble, so it would be better not to give them this power."

Lin Chunhong said: "This time, the juren and Jinshi competed for Guanglu Dafu, which took a big advantage in reputation. In the future, there will only be more and more Guanglu Dafu who truly support us. If it is stipulated that the Prime Minister of the Cabinet must be impeached, one-fifth of Guanglu Dafu's joint proposals must be made and two-thirds of Guanglu Dafu's agreement, what about this?"

Zhou Wang said: "Although less than two-thirds of the Guanglu doctor who was a Jinshi, it is enough to ensure that the impeachment will not be passed, it will be a big blow to your reputation and will eventually be a trouble."

Lin Chunhong sighed: "Institutional design must not only consider the present, but also consider decades. After hundreds of years, it is indeed difficult..."

...

At the same time, Lin Chunhong also wrote a letter to Zhu Zhiyu, Zhang Daohan. Zhu Zhiyu and Zhang Daohan opposed the limited term system. Zhu Zhiyu even made it clear that the term system would be considered after Lin Chunhong gets old.

Moreover, Zhu Zhiyu and Zhang Daohan's ideas were almost the same as Lin Chunhong, proposing that the Guanglu Court could be granted the impeachment power. However, if the impeachment is passed, two-thirds of the Guanglu doctors must agree.

Lin Chunhong had a final decision in his mind.

In May of the 15th year of Chongzhen, under the instruction of Lin Chunhong, Hong Qiyun and his gang proposed the revised "Ming Dynasty Central Reform Proposal" to the court and Jingzhou at the same time, which clearly stipulated that the Prime Minister of the Cabinet was still elected by the enlarged cabinet meeting, with a term of five years. After the five-year period expires, it will be elected by the enlarged cabinet meeting again; the Guanglu Court enjoys the power to impeach the Prime Minister of the Cabinet, but two-thirds of the Guanglu doctors need to agree.

Chen Qiyu, Huang Zongxi and others were satisfied with this result and no longer opposed it.

However, after the Jingguo Army and the Imperial Guard Army arrived in the capital, Zhu Youjian suddenly announced martial law in the capital and issued an order, severely reprimanding Zheng Mengfan, Zheng Hongkui and his group of monsters were confused and had ulterior motives, claiming that the "Ming Dynasty Central Reform Proposal" was absolutely unfeasible. Except for making some necessary adjustments in the Six Ministry and other departments, there was no need to change the rest.

Zhu Youjian was obviously not confused yet. He knew that he had to rely on Chen Qiyu, Li Shaoyi and other literati and officials, and did not order Chen Qiyu, Li Shaoyi and others to resign.

With the lack of force at hand, the imperial power finally came on stage as a side of the competition.

Lin Chunhong's response to this incident was very simple, but he ordered the Cavalry Army to control the Tongzhou Canal Wharf. However, the materials transported to the capital were still unobstructed.

Through this move, Lin Chunhong announced to Zhu Youjian that the force of the capital was just an embroidered pillow and had little significance.

The communication between Zhu Youjian and Lin Chunhong on the tip of the knife scared Chen Qiyu and his group.

Chen Qiyu and Li Shaoyi tried their best to propose that the central restructuring proposal could add some projects, and the emperor had the right to nominate the candidates for the Prime Minister of the Cabinet; the emperor could propose a proposal to impeach the Prime Minister of the Cabinet and hand it over to the Guanglu Court for voting; the resolution formed by the cabinet will be officially legally effective after the consent of His Majesty the Emperor agrees. If His Majesty the Emperor is dissatisfied with the resolution of the Cabinet, it can be refuted three times. After the three refutations, the cabinet will organize an enlarged meeting of the cabinet to vote on the resolution. His Majesty the Emperor shall not refute the resolution formed by the enlarged meeting of the cabinet.

When Chen Qiyu and Li Shaoyi's proposal was handed over to Zhu Youjian, Zhu Youjian was dissatisfied and threw the proposal back to Chen Qiyu's hands.

Chen Qiyu and Li Shaoyi thought about it for a long time and added a name, and the Dali Temple Minister was appointed by the emperor.

Zhu Youxuan left the memorial, but did not place a word, leaving room for himself to maneuver.

When Lin Chunhong received the proposal from Chen Qiyu and Li Shaoyi, he firmly opposed the emperor's right to nominate the cabinet prime minister, and believed that after the emperor rejected the cabinet's resolution three times, the cabinet would convene a meeting to vote on the resolution without the need for an enlarged cabinet meeting to vote.

This is obviously more operational. After all, the enlarged cabinet meeting consists of officials from second rank or above, and many are far away from the sky. If the emperor often refutes cabinet resolutions, how can the officials from second rank or above vote in a concentrated manner?

As for the appointment of the Dali Temple Minister, Lin Chunhong naturally refused.

Chen Qiyu and Huang Zongxi kept running, acting as a bridge between imperial power and Lin Chunhong, and at the same time, they also joined the literati's own request.

According to Zhu Youjian's original intention, he mastered the appointment power of the Dali Temple Minister, and wanted to have the power to arbitrarily raise the imperial prison. When he finally learned that Dali Temple only had judicial power and had no right to investigate, he was very interested and had an optional attitude.

However, when Chen Qiyu pointed out that in addition to enjoying the final right of major criminal cases, Dali Temple also enjoys the final right of major disputes, Zhu Youjian became keen on. In order to give the emperor the right to appoint the minister of Dali Temple, Zhu Youjian even gave up the right to nominate the Prime Minister of the Cabinet.

Chen Qiyu, Huang Zongxi and others ran around, which really made the three parties agree that Lin Chunhong agreed to the appointment of the Dali Temple Minister to the emperor, while Zhu Youjian gave up the nomination rights of the cabinet prime minister and some other powers.

Lin Chunhong agreed that the emperor enjoyed the appointment of the Dali Temple Minister, so naturally he considered it: one was that the Dali Temple Minister could not change the ruling result of a major incident; the other was that the judges and officials of the Dali Temple were all acted by professionals with grassroots experience, and the appointment power of a leader was actually of little effect.

However, what Lin Chunhong could not have imagined was that Zhu Youjian saw through this essence. For a long time in the future, Zhu Youjian took out the financial appropriations he should have enjoyed, established a special judicial training school, and trained countless judicial practitioners, spread to various parts of the Ming Dynasty to enhance his power base and ultimately firmly control judicial power.

This is a later story, let’s not talk about it for now.

Since then, the central power of the Ming Dynasty has been divided up: His Majesty the Emperor has mastered judicial power, the upstarts and merchants represented by Lin Chunhong have mastered administrative power, military power, and supervision power, while the literati class has mastered consultant power and some supervision power, trying to control the unclear legislative power in their hands and retain the power that may be able to extinguish the plate.
Chapter completed!