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Chapter 184 The Red Tide (Part 2)

At this time, Russia was already in unprecedented chaos.

When the Soviets were telegrams in February, the first thing that fell into chaos was the frontline troops.

In the past, these "Russian gray uniforms and animals" were forcibly collected from fields and cities by government recruiters, stuffed with two pairs of worn boots, a military uniform, a rifle and a bayonet and sent to the front line. Over the past year, they fought hard against strange, tenacious and cunning enemies in the distant and desolate Far East and Siberia, and fought against disease, hunger, and insufficient ammunition. They could not see the hope of victory, nor the bright future,

They just watched the famous troops disappear in front of each other's trenches and cannons, the war reports of hundreds of thousands of strong troops being destroyed in the ancient Gobi, the strong fortress after another turned into ruins, and the deathly cold and snow, the yellow-skinned soldiers who seemed to be able to do anything never stopped their pace, and whenever the war horn sounded, these fearful and desperate Russians would not know whether they could live until the next sunrise.

Their battle is based only on obedience and also on despair.

But now, the capital has established a new regime, and the Soviets declare that the power of the army belongs to the soldiers themselves! They allow the soldiers to go home and divide the landlords' land, rather than killing them in the distant Siberian snowfields and the terrible yellow devils!

Not just telegrams, the Chinese airships threw flyers on the front lines every day to inform them of the latest news in Russia. The Russian military officers shouted at the top of their lungs that "all this is the enemy's plot" and ordered the military police to immediately arrest "all the destructors who pick up, read, and spread flyers". On the other hand, they anxiously asked their superiors about the situation behind. The content of the power and the situation in Russia were transmitted from various channels, and the officers immediately rushed to the top like thunder.

In Irkutsk, the army's movement finally turned into an open rebellion. The supplementary soldiers who were temporarily mobilized and armed finally took action under the secret connection and incitement of some revolutionary elements. They arrested the frontline officers, attacked the command centers of the battalions, and quickly formed a soldier committee. The gathering of revolutionary troops fired a red flag and submitted an ultimatum to the military police and Cossacks who were still loyal to the headquarters, demanding that they immediately obey the Soviet power in February and obey the order of the "Supreme Engineer Soviet of Irkutsk".

Lieutenant General Alexeyev did not panic, but announced that he would "invite the soldiers' representatives to come for negotiation" to paralyze the rebel troops, then seized the representatives, and sent troops to raid the rebel troops in the name of "distributing condolences". The leaderless rebel troops collapsed immediately.

However, the Chinese Central Xianbei Lisan Front on the opposite side did not give him much time. The sāo chaos on the Russian position was discovered by the Chinese reconnaissance airship and immediately reported to the headquarters. The Chinese troops immediately seized the opportunity to deploy troops overnight and suddenly launched an attack when the chaos of the Russian army reached its climax.

The Russian army, in chaos, abandoned the defense line, and the outer defense system of Irkutsk collapsed across the board, and Lieutenant General Alexeyev could only shrink all his troops back to the fortress to defend. But at this time, the morale of the Russian army had collapsed and the organization was increasingly disintegrating, and a large number of troops had given up their hope of victory.

When the Chinese army issued another notice of persuasion to surrender and launched psychological warfare with loudspeakers and leaflets on the entire front, the Russian army's wavering had spread like a plague. Alexeyev had already noticed the dangerous tendency of the troops, but he was helpless.

Finally, the dangerous emotions of the troops accumulated to the extreme, so the senior officers had to jointly warn Alexeyev, "If we do not take any measures, we will either be swallowed up by fearful and angry soldiers, or destroyed in the hands of the Chinese people." and made it clear that "the troops can no longer execute the orders they hold on, and they no longer know why they are fighting." "Most of the soldiers only want to return to their hometown and get a piece of land that belongs to them." "These animals have no awe of His Majesty the Tsar and the army."

Now, Lieutenant General Alexeyev has to surrender and declare that he has to "make a difficult decision" "for everyone's life and for Russia."

On February 24, the defenders of the Irkutsk Fortress surrendered, and the Russian army collapsed after Baikal.

The final message from Alexeyev asked the Tsar to "for Russia, please immediately destroy the Siberian railway line, burn all military warehouses and settlements, relocate residents, and bury the ambitions of the Chinese with a thousand kilometers of scorched earth and a snowstorm". The Tsar, who had been overwhelmed by fear, immediately issued an order.

At this time, the order of the Siberian army was collapsed. Many troops were already forming soldiers committees and Soviets. After receiving this order, many local soldiers raised objections, believing that it would be better to "convene peace with the Chinese people" than to destroy the areas where they lived for generations and relocate residents. The Tsar's edict accelerated the collapse of the army, but in areas close to China, many places still implemented this order out of fear of the Chinese army.

For a moment, fires surged into the sky along the Siberian Railway, and the engineers buried explosives and blew the rails into a skew. The military warehouse of the military station was opened and transported, and all those who had no time to transport them were burned.

A large number of residents were driven westward, and farmhouses, houses and even churches were burned.

Everything is like a repeat of the situation when Napoleon attacked Moscow a hundred years ago.

At this time, in mainland Russia, garrisons from all over the country took action, seized officers and formed a soldier committee.

Chaos spread from the security forces to the front line and to the navy. After the Sailors of the Korglingstad Fortress, the armored ship Bo of the Black Sea Fleet received the power of the sailors on the Jin in February and acted quickly. They arrested the reactionary officers, fired the red flag symbolizing the revolution, established a soldier committee, and immediately left the port to Odessa to support the local strike.

The Black Sea Fleet Command ordered the fleet to pursue it, but was collectively boycotted by middle and lower-level officers and soldiers, and the situation within the fleet took a sharp turn.

The next day, the Black Sea Fleet Navy Major Pixian Yu developed a speech, calling on the fleet sailors to take action and implement the Soviet power in February. The officer, who was highly prestigious among the soldiers, immediately gained the support of the sailors and quickly established the Sevastobol Engineer Soviet.

The cruiser Ochakov was the first to announce his support for the Soviets, and then other ships joined, and the rebel army expanded rapidly. Finally, the troops on the shore also established soldiers committees and elected Soviet representatives.

After the left-behind forces of the Luo Sea Fleet, the last Russian naval force finally announced that it had turned to the Soviet regime. This cannot be an exaggeration to evaluate the significance of the Russian Revolution: as long as the Black Sea Fleet still exists, the Tsarist government will find it difficult to obtain support from Britain, France and other countries through sea transportation.

All over Russia, soldiers and workers formed a Soviet engineer, which was in a tit-for-tat way to confront the "local autonomous bureau" of the gentry and the middle class. The local autonomous bureau initially wanted to "naturally grasp the local government" with its own status, but the workers who had already joined forces began to point the spearhead of the revolution at them.

Many farmers in the Soviet accused the Chairman or member of the Autonomous Bureau of the Autonomous Bureau of the People's Republic of China that they had recorded their own property, and the member or chairman of the Communist Party of China used usury and other means to deceive themselves, while the Soviet regime quickly approved the arrest warrant for these masters.

The fully armed soldiers opened the shops and warehouses, and controlled the Soviets to issue orders. The farmers began to divide the land, and the workers set up the factory management committee and implemented the eight small groups.

During the work system, the sales funds were forcibly intercepted to ensure workers' income. Under the coordination of the Soviets, the farmers used part of the surplus grain to exchange other living materials with the factories. The soldiers in the garrison obtained priority land distribution under the instructions of the Soviets, and led the farmers to rush into the landlord's manor, divide their food and land, and publicly kill and set fire.

Many soldiers garrisoned in other places have returned to their hometowns with guns, and drunks carrying rifles everywhere. The backpacks behind them are filled with military canned food, dry food and vodka, and they cursed and wanted to "go back to settle accounts with the landlords." By this time, the order, conservatism and laws of the old imperial and Russia had become jokes. The Russians had obtained the greatest "freedom" in thousands of years, but the entire society was also in a terrible chaos.

St. Petersburg.

This imperial Russian capital has now become a grand revolutionary carnival.

The seemingly unshakable Tsarist autocratic regime was "like a broken house" and was pushed down by the proletariat led by the Bolsheviks. The people gradually established a certain awe for the Democratic Labor Party of society, especially the Bolsheviks. This awe continued to deepen as "revolutionaries gained power" and "the army of the Tsarist autocratic government was rapidly defeated." The Soviets implemented the policy of opening military warehouses and searching out the property of "parasitics on the people and Russia", which allowed these "revolutionary people to continuously obtain the distributed materials and daily necessities, solve the urgent needs of life, and even allowed many people to enjoy the "freedom and prosperity" that were not before the war. This immediately made these people intoxicated by the huge power of the revolution.

However, the people rose up to revolution out of anger at oppression, fear of hunger and death, and disgust with the huge gap between people.

But when they broke free from the shackles of the old order and found that they could obtain unprecedented "freedom", they were no longer willing to be bound by any new order.

According to the "freedom" principle set by the February power and the eight programs, the military and civilians of the Revolutionary St. Petersburg were like carnival every day. The "revolutionary political parties" were established like mushrooms after a rain, and speakers of "raising funds to build the party" could be seen everywhere on the streets and alleys. Although people said in unison that "obeying the leadership of the Supreme Soviet" paid tribute to "Trotsky's Chairman and the Democratic Labor Party of Russia", a certain light flashing in their eyes reminded some people that people's hearts are not something that is easy to measure.

Trotsky finally decided to take action in the face of some "anarchy" in front of him.

He delivered a speech, criticizing some anarchism, proposing that "revolutionary regimes also need order, revolutionary order" and demanded that the military and political system be rectified immediately, and a new type of state machine be established to "mobilize the strength of the whole society to ensure the victory of the revolution."

Within the Soviet Executive Committee, the members still had fierce debates on the next strategy despite the core principles such as eight programs as the basis.

〖Revolutionary regimes and the army, the daily funds required are astronomical.

Although it has controlled more than 800 tons of gold reserves in the Tsar of St. Petersburg, Russia (another time and space in the past 1,300 tons of gold reserves. Due to the outbreak of World War I, the German army moved 600 tons to Kazan when they approached St. Petersburg), the members have argued endlessly about how to use this batch of gold in the future.

The revolutionaries firmly advocated "throw gold into gold coins and circulate, and abolish the old rubles, so as to prevent the Tsarist autocratic government from using the rubles and money printing machines in their hands to arm them."

The Mensheviks opposed the abolition of the old ruble, believing that this would inevitably lead to chaos in the whole society, and that many savings-related middle-class officers, teachers, journalists, etc., who originally sympathized with the revolution, would also stand on the opposite side of the revolution.

In the Bolsheviks, headed by Trotsky, proposed... Based on gold reserves, the printing press was started, and the revolutionary banknotes were printed. The old Russian rubles were abolished" and publicly pointed out that "this can avoid the outflow of gold, and when necessary, the currency that exceeds the gold reserves can be printed" sheep and "solve practical difficulties."

Finally, there is no conclusion after arguing.

In diplomacy, despite the opposition of the Mensheviks, the Bolsheviks publicly announced in the Soviets that "revolutionary Russia does not recognize that the reactionary Tsarist Russian government will suppress the internal and foreign debts owed by the people in order to form a reactionary military machine" (in another time and space history, after the October Revolution, the Soviets announced the "Traditional Debt Act" and abolished all national debts), and proposed to "confiscate the assets that the Tsarist autocratic government gave to foreign capitalists in order to ensure its own rule" (historical fact), successfully issued a fanatical xenophobia of the people and passed this "Soviet diplomatic statement".

In the view of the Bolsheviks in St. Petersburg, this statement can show that the Soviet regime spares no effort to safeguard the interests of the people and greatly enhances the people's support for the Soviet.

In terms of military affairs, Trotsky vigorously promoted the "Revolutionary Military Law", requiring the establishment of a new type of Soviet Red Guard, and the establishment of the "Supreme Soviet Military Commission" to unify military and political affairs and military order matters, and he himself also serves as the acting committee member. In units at or above the battalion level, the Soviet Military Commission will imitate the Chinese army, appoint special military political commissars to be responsible for the ideological and political work of the army, and supervise the work of the military leader.

In terms of economy, Trotsky's proposal to "take all large factories under the unified jurisdiction of the Soviet Union, workers must obey the dispatch of the factory management committee under the Soviet Union, and all people with the ability to work must engage in labor to mobilize the resources of the whole society to ensure the victory of the revolution" and "the Soviet Union will uniformly purchase surplus grain from farmers and supply the city in a limited quantity" caused an uproar.

The social revolutionaries and even the Mensheviks believed that this decree violated the liberal spirit of the February outline and violated the property and personal freedom of the people. Trotsky argued with them, but he was unable to convince the other party. In anger, the young revolutionary leader even shouted "The revolution will be killed by us" and sent Bolshevik propagandists to various troops, factories delivered speeches, distributed leaflets, and mobilized employees and soldiers to support this "revolutionary policy."

However, to Trotsky's surprise, the public was not very enthusiastic about these two proposals.

Many workers have fallen in love with this state of freedom, food and drink, and can curse, while farmers believe that the food prices given by these city people are "absolutely robbing". In this war-torn years, "food and rifles are everything." Many farmers have formed their own peasant committees to negotiate with the Soviet regime. "If you want food, please use rifles and bullets to exchange."

For the soldiers, they have already fallen in love with the "democracy and freedom" state in the army.

They had guns and gained the privilege of "revolutionary heroes" and no longer wanted some high-ranking officers to take charge of them. Although they agreed to reorganize the army, they "oppose capitalism and feudal officers to make a comeback."

Many teams even took to the streets to launch demonstrations protesting against the Soviet "infringement of military rights".

Faced with the chaotic situation, Trotsky did not hesitate to demand "immediate measures to restore order" to mobilize troops loyal to the Soviets, especially the Bolsheviks. At the same time, he also adopted a relatively soft wrist. The Soviets issued a statement that "the revolutionary soldiers are the main force and defenders of the revolution, and the Soviets will never abandon the revolutionary soldiers."

In the end, the "Revolutionary Military Law" passed by the Soviets made many concessions. Although the Supreme Soviet Military Commission was established, it maintained the democratic election system in the army. The Soviet officers could only be appointed and removed from the regiment level, and the soldiers elected the Soldiers Committee below, and the committee elected the commander. As for the political commissar, their power was greatly restricted and they could only be dispatched to the regiment level.

In the midst of the hustle and bustle, a crucial figure arrived in St. Petersburg by boat from Stockholm, the capital of Sweden, and immediately triggered a new round of revolutionary craze.

The Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Lou, Bolshevik theorist, revolutionary and organizer, Vladimir Yili, walked from the dock all the way from the pier to the Smolny Palace, where the Soviets were located, and hugged Trotsky with a warm hug.

Flashes come one after another.

This is a moment of history. The most special and most combative and appealing figure among the Russian revolutionaries stood shoulder to shoulder with the biggest hero of this revolution, the rising star of the Bolsheviks, and the supreme leader of the St. Petersburg Soviet.

Trotsky proposed on the spot that he would withdraw from the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union, and would be replaced by Ulyanov, or be re-elected immediately. Ulyanov immediately rejected this proposal and solemnly declared that "the Supreme Soviet of the Engineers of St. Petersburg is the current legal supreme legislative body of revolutionary Russia." Its authority is "undoubted", and the work of the Central Executive Committee is also "effective". He himself does not see the need for re-electing immediately. And when he comes back, he wants to "do his own efforts for the Revolution."

Ulyanov's statement made many anxious social revolutionaries and even Mensheviks breathe a sigh of relief. Compared with the young Trotsky, they were more afraid of this iron-fisted figure with an extremely firm will.

But among the Soviet representatives and the revolutionary masses, Ulyanov had a higher prestige. He was already regarded as a true, pure revolutionist, spiritual idol, and people were extremely eager to hear the voice of this leader.

Soon, under the arrangement of Bolshevidong, Ulyanov delivered his speech to more than 300,000 revolutionary soldiers and civilians on the balcony on the third floor of the Maria Palace.

Ulyanov accused the darkness and brutality of Tsarist Russian autocratic rule, reviewed the hardships of the revolution, and proposed to build a holy sect in the December Party Square (formerly the Senate Square), to hold a grand funeral and retreat for the soldiers and civilians who died in the February Revolution.

His proposal was responded like a tsunami, and people expressed their support for the revolutionary leader with tears in their eyes.

Ulyanov clearly proposed his own revolutionary program. He believed that the victory of the revolution was proving a truth: the people could hold power on their own. From the moment the electricity was issued in February, some fallacies fabricated by the Tsar and his royal literati, the weak bourgeoisie, such as the Russian people's inability to implement the political politics of the people and as the master of the country, have been proved to be a complete lie. The Russian proletarian workers and peasants mass, as well as the revolutionary intellectuals, and advanced elements in the bourgeoisie, were fully capable of uniting to establish an equal, free, democratic country.

He proposed that the eight programs issued in February were the new Russian policy program of the state power with the Soviet as the core. On this basis, the Soviets should immediately formulate a constitution to fix the power of the people as masters of their own country in the form of fundamental law of the state.

He also called on the revolution that although it achieved stages of results, various unrest have occurred in various places. Some other nations launched national revolution out of disgust and fear of the autocratic rule of the Tsarist rule, and the Soviets that uphold the concept of national equality "are not the enemies of these nations, but their allies."

Ulyanov also sincerely sent an invitation, suggesting that all ethnic groups opposed to the autocratic rule of the Tsarist rule unite around the Supreme Engineer Soviet to establish a Soviet socialist federation, and all ethnic groups and all franchise countries are equal, and even "can tolerate other franchise countries in the form of constitutional monarchy."

Ulyanov proposed that the reason for unity is that the reactionary forces are still strong, and the revolutionary regime is not consolidated and fragile. Only when the revolutionary regime can the revolutionary regime be united can the victory of the revolution be ensured.

He further pointed out that the fundamental reason for national contradictions lies in class oppression, and "all sufferings of the proletariat of Russia and other nations come from the Tsarist autocratic government and the establishment of the mechanism of destruction, which brought infinite disasters to the people of all ethnic groups." He clearly stated that "the future Soviet socialist Federation will respect the equal rights of all ethnic groups and give them full freedom in all aspects of politics, economy and culture... In the future federal states, the Supreme Soviet will have various franchise countries to elect separately, and will not be "the Russians have a one-man show." He solemnly promised that "the social democratic Labor Party's words are counted, and they are responsible for the highest belief in their hearts."

Ulyanov's speech came to an abrupt end at the climax of "The Proletarian Revolution is not for revenge, but for building a fair and reasonable new world and allowing most people to be happy", which triggered endless applause and cheers.

Ulyanov held an internal meeting of the Bolsheviks without stopping.

After fully commending the achievements of the St. Petersburg Revolution, the leader then put forward the next focus: reunifying the social Democratic Labor Party, completely grasping the Soviet Union, and rectifying the new Soviet regime in various places to prevent capitalists and rich peasants from speculating on the revolution.

The revolutionary leader seriously pointed out that in the life-and-death stage of the revolutionary struggle, any wavering and betrayal may bring irreparable losses to the revolution and the people. Therefore, after the initial success of the revolution, it is crucial to purify the revolutionary team, unify thoughts and actions, establish strong unified leadership, and eliminate the threat of hostile forces at home and abroad.

He seriously criticized the current anarchy throughout Russia, especially for "some comrades do not pay attention to uniting other nations, and the work in many ethnic areas eventually became exploited by bourgeois nationalists. After overthrowing the autocratic rule of the Tsarist rule, a more deceptive and dangerous capitalist national regime was established." He sternly pointed out that "the proletariat has no borders, and nationalism is a backward foot binding cloth with a rotten smell. Now, in the transformation of the country, some reactionaries have been turned out from the garbage dump of history," and even "some cadres of our party cannot see the harm of nationalism clearly."

Ulyanov affirmed Trotsky's opinion that "promoting the revolution to all Russia, establishing a Soviet in all ethnic areas and coordinating uniformly under the leadership of our party", and at the same time added a crucial point of view, proposing that "though this revolution broke out first in Russia, the ultimate goal is to liberate all mankind." He believed that "the establishment of an all-Russian Soviet Union is the basis for establishing a coalition regime of the proletariat in the world. This alliance will continue to absorb proletarian member states, export proletarian revolution to the world, and insert the red flag into the world."

The last year of revolution in the history of another time and space was full of accidents. Due to the disarray of revolutionaries, the organizational disarray, unknown goals and naive methods, the forced intervention of some time and travelers, with the strong support and coordinated organization of the forces behind the scenes, the effect achieved in another time and space ten years later: the Tsarist regime finally fell.!
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