When the plane landed at Jiji Airport, Pei Chengyi finally came to a call with the Heavenly Army.

Because many cutting-edge scientific research projects in the Center for Physical Experiment are related to the Tianjun. As mentioned earlier, the Tianjun is the most beneficiary of the third military reform, Pei Chengyi did not pay special attention to the construction of the Tianjun, and did not need to spend much time on it.

No matter what, the Tianjun does not have the real combat capabilities.

More importantly, even if the Tianjun has real combat power, it is not useful. The address of this site has been changed to: I will be relieved and please log in to read it if you delete it!

As early as the end of the era of power, shortly after the end of the Japanese war, when the Republic and the United States jointly promoted the comprehensive destruction of nuclear weapons, the two superpowers took the lead in signing an open international treaty, namely the "International Blatant of Demilitarization of Outer Space". Although this blatant actual binding force is very limited, such as the so-called "demilitarization" only refers to offensive military deployments against other countries, not against defensive military deployments to protect their own countries, the treaty clarifies a very important concept, that is, attacking space military facilities is equal to attacking national territory. That is to say, if the Republic attacks US military satellites in the war, it is equivalent to attacking US territory, which is equivalent to declaring war on the United States.

Although in actual operation, both China and the United States intentionally or unintentionally trampled on this interdependence. For example, in the Indian War, the Republic used low-power lasers to prevent several American military reconnaissance satellites from working normally when passing over India. For example, during the Falklands War, the United States also tried to prevent several Republic military reconnaissance satellites from working normally over the South Atlantic Ocean. However, such damage that does not cause permanent damage is difficult to leave evidence and cannot be used as a reason for war between major powers. In other words, this is the bottom line for attacking military targets in space. If beyond this bottom line, even if both sides are unwilling to fight, they will be subject to treaty restrictions and have to officially declare war.

More importantly, the London Treaty clearly stipulates that space military goals are "strategic goals". This provision added to Russia's request is actually to use the London Treaty to prevent the Republic from dominating the world with the United States, or to allow the Republic to restrain the United States. The reason is very simple. In modern warfare, the key to winning is to seize the commanding heights, which will paralyze the opponent's military satellite system; when space goals are protected by international treaties, unless the Republic and the United States intend to fight head-on, they must make some estimates when dealing with regional wars, thus providing a quasi-magnificent power such as Russia with the opportunity to perform.

It can be said that from the very beginning, Pei Chengyi did not consider the Heavenly Army.

In fact, because the Sky Army belongs to a quasi-strategic force, Pei Chengyi did not have the opportunity to command the Sky Army.

When he arrived at Gwadar Port, Pei Chengyi learned that Yuan Chenhao had arranged the affairs of the Joint Command and took a special plane to Tehran a few hours before he arrived. Although in the words of the staff responsible for receiving Pei Chengyi, the theater commander rushed to Tehran in advance at the strong request of the Iranian authorities, Pei Chengyi knew that Yuan Chenhao could not wait for several hours, and the main reason was that he did not want to have a conflict with the Joint Command. This made Pei Chengyi a little disgusted. In any case, Guadar Port is the old nest that Yuan Chenhao had worked hard for many years.

In the next few days, Pei Chengyi has been busy dealing with the specific issues of forming the joint headquarters.

It was not until the first day of the month that Pei Chengyi received a call from Li Cunxun.

The second round of negotiations on the Kurdish issue has broken down. Although the Republic has made concessions on relatively critical issues, that is, allocating the administrative power of the Special Autonomous Region according to the number of Kurds in the territory. In this way, Turkey will be assigned the general management power, Iraq as the end, Iran as the thug, Syria as the Anhui, and Armenia as the hospital, but the United States did not make concessions on the other side. That is, let the five countries participate in the negotiations at that time. The reason why the United States refused to make concessions was also very simple, according to the Republic

The proposed solution, even if it is united with Armenia, Turkey will only have the decision-making power, while the three countries close to the republic have the final decision-making power, which is equivalent to handing over the control of the special autonomous region to the republic, thus giving the republic a foothold. Other solutions are not lacking, such as excluding Syria and Armenia and joining the negotiations with three main parties. The problem is that such a solution is not beneficial to the United States and Turkey, so there is no possibility of adoption by Enben.

Although the US authorities did not refuse to conduct the third round of negotiations, the US negotiator clearly mentioned when he left Beijing. The prerequisite for the third round of negotiations is "equal dialogue", that is, under the premise of inviting the three parties, Türkiye should at least have a current say.

There is no doubt that the third round of negotiations is very likely to have a difficult childbirth.

In Li Cunxun's words, even if the third round of negotiations can be held, the three main parties will not participate. The Republic and the United States will still compete on "equality", that is, to allocate the right to speak according to the population, or to the negotiating party. Because this difference will determine the final ownership of the special autonomous region. Therefore, neither side will easily make concessions, and in the end, they will spend the last little peacetime at the negotiating table.

The next day, the Military Intelligence Bureau sent the exact news.

Yuan Chenhao has reached an agreement with the Iranian authorities on the establishment of the Eastern Front Command in Tehran. In addition to providing a military staff by the Republic, the Iranian National Defense Forces and Revolutionary Guards will also send to persuade the thugs.

The daily work of the card officers joining the commander-in-chief. This is to say that the military command is controlled by the Republic. Yuan Chenhao served as the commander of the Eastern Front Command, the chief of staff of the Iranian three armies served as deputy commander, the commander of the Revolutionary Guards served as chief of staff, and the military decision-making team consists of the Republic's oral staff and the eight Iranian staff.

Overall, Iran has little problem.

In the words Liu Xiaobin mentioned in the intelligence, because Ahmad and Hash had completely consistent views on war, they both believed that war was inevitable and Iran must win in war, so in military decision-making, both believed that the only way to rely on the Republic Henhe hoped to win the war. Although on a more important issue, that is, in which direction should I develop after the war ended, Ahmad and Hassen's views were completely opposite! But this was not the primary issue, and before the war ended, the two had no reason to separate ways.

Mo Yong doubted that this is very good news.

Again, this is a very big trouble.

According to the agreement reached by Yuan Chenhao with the Iranian authorities in Tehran, as a prerequisite for Iran to join the war, the Republic must guarantee Iran's strategic security, that is, at least ensure that the Iranian regime will not be overthrown by the enemy. In terms of specific measures, the Republic shall not deploy a combat unit to Iran within the time after the outbreak of the war, and then send a ground force of about 20,000 people to Iran. As a reciprocal condition, Iran will prepare three military camps within the time of the war after receiving the war alarm issued by the Republic, and provide all convenient conditions for the Republic's troops stationed in Iran.

Although the agreement puts high demands on the MIIS, that is, the MIIS must at least thug in advance and issue accurate war alarms every day. But what is really tested is the Republic's military transportation capabilities.

Liu Xiaobin was in a hurry to tell Pei Chengyi the news, and it was also for this matter.

There are two main ways to send a combat unit to Iran during the time of the fall. One is to use strategic transport aircraft groups and tactical transport aircraft groups deployed in the South Asian theater to deploy troops to Iran by air transport; the other is to allow troops to gather on the front line, that is, to deploy a strategic delivery fleet carrying a combat unit in the Persian Gulf or the northwest waters of the Arabian Sea.

Although you can ask the General Staff for such a question, Liu Xiaobin threw the problem to Pei Chengyi on the grounds that Pei Chengyi was fully responsible for combat affairs.

Strictly speaking, this is not a problem. Although the former is more ideal and has greater flexibility, at least it will not allow the Republic to be in a disadvantaged situation before the outbreak of the war, but it is more difficult to operate. Moreover, the strategic airlift power is very valuable and has to undertake more tasks. Pei Chengyi made a choice without considering it. In fact, Liu Xiaobin handed over such a simple problem to Pei Chengyi. In addition to demonstrating the status of the joint commander, the main reason is that he and the General Staff are not very harmonious to say, to be precise, the General Staff Chief.

Everyone knows that after Li Cunxun, the Military Intelligence Bureau will no longer be able to cover the sky with just one hand.

Although the Military Intelligence Bureau has many outstanding agents, such as Zhang Xiaolong, Hu Ruixiang, Cao Xuehua and others who have been reused in recent years, only Liu Xiao, Bin, and Zhang Xiaolong are the ones who are truly qualified to replace Li Cunxun. Liu Xiaobin's ability is definitely not as good as Li Cunxun, and is not as good as Li Cunxun. In the outside world, after Liu Xiaobin served as the Military Intelligence Bureau, he can only maintain his success at most and not be enterprising. In fact, after experiencing the painstaking efforts of Wu Nian, two powerful directors, Pan Yunsheng and Li Cunxun, the Military Intelligence Bureau is at its peak and has long lost room for progress. The so-called prosperity will lead to decline. After the Military Intelligence Bureau reaches its peak under the leadership of Li Cunxun, it will inevitably go downhill. In this context, the military intelligence bureau will be in full swing.

There must be more than one person who is drooling in the Intelligence Bureau, including the Chief of Staff. No matter what, the lean Luo Zhu is bigger than Ma. As one of the world's largest intelligence agencies, one of the largest intelligence agencies in the world, the Military Intelligence Bureau is a giant after the fall of the Military Intelligence Bureau. How to use the resources of the Military Intelligence Bureau is probably a question that everyone has to consider. The so-called "close to the water and get the moon first," the Military Intelligence Bureau was originally a subordinate agency of the General Staff. When Li Cunxun was about to retire, it was strange that Lin Xiaolei had no idea. The problem is that Liu Xiaobin definitely did not want to be the "last director" and would not even tolerate the decline of the Military Intelligence Bureau in his own hands. He would definitely do his best to maintain the independence of the Military Intelligence Bureau and thus conflict with Lin Xiaolei.

In fact, Liu Xiaobin reminded Pei Chengyi that he wanted to join forces with Pei Chengyi to fight against Lin Xiaolei

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It’s not that Pei Chengyi didn’t understand. It was just before he had real power; he couldn’t have any ideas. No matter what, for Pei Chengyi, who had just returned to the front line, even with the full support of Li Cunxun or even secretly helped by Deputy Head of State Yan Jingyu, he was nothing in front of Lin Xiaolei.

Of course, the current situation is completely different. The address of this site has been changed to: Anti-8, please log in to read!

With the Republic reaching an agreement with Iran, even if the Joint Search Headquarters has not been officially established, Pei Chengyi's status has also been guaranteed when Yuan Chenhao's territory is guaranteed.

In other words, he is already the front-line commander who has actual power. Even if Lin Xiaolei is dissatisfied with him, he will not be able to overstep his position. To put it bluntly, Pei Chengyi directly obeys the order of the head of state and is responsible to the Military Intelligence Director General according to the arrangements of the head of state. He does not laugh much with the General Staff and the Chief of Staff. Lin Xiaolei has no right to issue orders to Pei Chengyi.

It is precisely because when Pei Chengyi was recovering Liu Xiaobin, he clearly mentioned that Dan Ye had moved the combat unit commanded by Lieutenant General Ling Yunxiao from Lahore to join the strategic delivery fleet with the late return, and then followed the navy's aircraft carrier battle group to the Gulf of Oman on standby. Pei Chengyi did not forget one of the most important things, that is, he clearly mentioned that the Navy must send the aircraft carrier battle group deployed in Visakhapatnam to the Arabian Sea, and send the second strategic delivery fleet stationed in the Gulf of Thailand to Visakhapatnam, preparing to send Lieutenant General Luo Shaopeng's second combat unit to the battlefield.

When contacting Judg Xiaoxiaobin, Pei Chengyi called Hua Jianfeng.

Although Pei Chengyi and Lin Xiaolei had a bit of a relationship with Pei Chengyi and Lin Xiaolei after the cooperation in the Horse Island War, Pei Chengyi and Hua Jianfeng had an extraordinary relationship. Because he had long expected Pei Chengyi to achieve great things, Hua Jianfeng was also very happy to cooperate with Pei Chengyi. In this way, regardless of whether Pei Chengyi took Lin Xiaolei seriously, he had to give Navy Commander Hua Jianfeng a favor.

Besides, Gu Weimin did not hand over the navy's combat command to Pei Chengyi.

In Li Cunxun's words, as long as the war begins, because comprehensive cooperation with Iran and Syria is required, the head of state will not favor Lin Xiaolei on the naval combat issues and will definitely hand over the command to the Joint Command. However, before that, the Navy still has great independence. The Joint Command should fully consider this issue and prepare for various situations to avoid unnecessary trouble.

The so-called unnecessary trouble is actually offending the naval commander.

In fact, Li Cunxun's concerns are somewhat redundant. Although Hua Jianfeng also has a sense of the world, compared with Lin Xiaolei, his views are much more open-minded. More importantly, Hua Jianfeng was the first participant in the "Yanhuang Jirong Thugs". During Ji Youguo's reign, he was valued. Even though he didn't come into contact with many things, this pound of pounds. The special identity gave him many privileges that other soldiers, including Pei Chengyi, could not enjoy, such as when he was in the old year of the sword.

He was a guest of honor for Ji Youguo and had the most direct understanding of Ji Weiguo's words and deeds to revitalize the nation. It can be said that if the navy had not been promoted to a stricter channel than the army and had a clearer hierarchy concept, Hua Jianfeng would have long been the commander of the Shanghai Army. It can be seen from Hua Jianfeng's performance in the Horse Island War. He was not a soldier like Lin Xiaolei, and even if he would have won the most benefits for the navy, he would never joke about national interests on major issues.

Pei Chengyi knows Hua Jianfeng very well and also knows Hua Jianfeng's character.

In Pei Chengyi's words, he called Hua Jianfeng just to take care of the navy commander's face.

In fact, after signing an agreement with Iran, the eight characters are considered to be a sign. To put it bluntly, if the Middle East war wants to start, the Republic has to find ways to understand the ideological work of the Syrian authorities.

Unlike Iran, the work of treating Syria has always been under the responsibility of the Military Intelligence Agency.

Although Pei Chengyi called Li Cunxun after arriving at Guadal Port, hoping that Su Jinhui would come back as soon as possible, go to Syria in advance to understand the situation, participate in the establishment of the Southern Line Command, so as to fully grasp the situation of the Syrian army and lay the foundation for future command and combat, Li Cunxun did not agree. He said that allowing Su Jinhui to come back would expose the Republic's war attempts, thus affecting the entire plan.

In this way, the negotiation work can only be left to the Military Intelligence Bureau. The address of this site has been changed to: I will be relieved and please log in to read it if you delete it!

The problem is that the Military Intelligence Bureau is just an intelligence unit, and even an intelligence agency that is in full swing cannot replace the General Staff.

It is undeniable that Syria has no other choice in making war decisions, and must mount the "Republic" chariot and strive to play a role in the war that surpasses Iran, so as to become a regional power in the Middle East after the war.

The problem is. When it comes to specific issues, the Syrian authorities will definitely use their unique conditions to make demands. For example, requiring the Republic to provide strategic security guarantees, requiring more military aid, having a greater say in war command, and the identity of a regional power after the war must be aware of it, etc. There is no doubt that so many problems, except for a few political issues, are mostly military issues, and need to be solved by generals with command. Pei Chengyi repeatedly emphasized that Su Jinhui would come back early and go to Syria to understand the situation, hoping that Su Jinhui would deal with these issues.

There must be other reasons why Li Cunxun is reluctant to let Su Jinhui come back.

Since Su Jinhui can't go to Syria, he can only think of other ways.

On the 4th of tomorrow, Pei Chengyi took a special plane to Damascus.

Because Yuan Chenhao had accepted the appointment of the commander of the Eastern Front, it was impossible for him to replace Su Jinhui to Syria. As a joint commander, Pei Chengyi must be responsible for the two front-line commands. When Su Jinhui was unable to leave the factory, he could only do it for him.

No matter what, this is not the result that Pei Chengyi wants, nor is it what he wants to do.

The Joint Command still has many problems that have not been solved, and there is not even a feasible war plan, but it is distracted to deal with the trivial problems in Syria. In this way, Pei Chengyi had to leave his most capable assistant in Gwadar Port.

Fortunately, Li Cunxun knew Pei Chengyi’s difficulties, so he sent Liu Xiaobin over.
Chapter completed!