The last year's election for the new term can be regarded as the most open and democratic election for national leaders during the founding of the Republic.

Affected by the "Investigation of Bureaucratic Style of the Ministry of National Defense" that broke out at the end of the year, many people believe that Yan Jingyu, who is unwilling to be lonely, will take the opportunity to attack and challenge Gu Weimin in the election of the new term. Because Li Cunxun will not resign from his position as the Director of Military Intelligence until the election of the new term, Pei Chengyi, who made a high-profile comeback, is obviously a staunch supporter of Yan Jingyu. In this way, Yan Jingyu has received support from two powerful institutions of intelligence and the army. Therefore, many senior leaders, and even some ministerial officials, believe that Yan Jingyu is likely to become the head of state of the Republic in Likounmeng.

In fact, it was not Yan Jingyu who stood up to adjust Gu Weimin, but Ye Zhisheng.

Although this is incomprehensible, judging from the situation at that time, it is by no means accidental, but inevitable.

First of all, from Yan Jingyu's standpoint, as long as he is still a leader who puts national interests first, he will not compete for the throne of the head of state in the past year. The reason is very simple. When the Middle East War has not officially ended, what the Republic needs is not a leader like Yan Jingyu, but a leader like Gu Weimin.

From another perspective, the truce negotiations between the Republic and the United States have not been able to achieve major results. They did not achieve a critical breakthrough until the end of the year. They are definitely related to the Republic's election from the year to August. And it is very important. From the standpoint of the US authorities, after the election of the Republic, the position of the ceasefire negotiations will be decided based on the political situation of the Republic, so as to maximize the protection of the US national interests.

At that time, the comments on the election of the Republic were considered objective and fair.

When most news media believed that the Republic would usher in a drastic change in Liqinian, the thug, who has been known as the quasi-official media in the United States, conducted a comprehensive analysis of the political situation in the Republic in a month, and finally came to the conclusion that Gu Weimin would be suspected of passing. Not to mention how accurate the conclusions drawn were, from his analysis alone, we must recognize the profound attainments of this senior news media in political news.

According to Xin's analysis, three major factors determine that Yan Jingyu cannot challenge Gu Weimin.

In terms of political influence and prestige, Yan Jingyu was not qualified to challenge Gu Weimin. Although according to the principle, the deputy head of state of the Republic is not the same as the vice president of the United States, and is a state leader with certain real power. For example, Wang Yuanqing, who served as the deputy head of state, was responsible for the daily work of the central government and the diplomatic work of the Republic, Yan Jingyu was far inferior to Wang Yuanqing of the past, and he did not gain much actual power. During his term from the year of the year of the Knife to Jiekou, he was mainly responsible for economic development and had no relationship with diplomacy, national defense and other fields. Affected by this, Yan Jingyu had very limited influence in the central government and military of the Republic, and his prestige was even less important. Even with the support of Li Cunxun and Pei Chengyi, coupled with Pei Chengyi's achievements in the Middle East War, Yan Jingyu would at most take this opportunity to consolidate the position of No. 2 leader and lay the foundation for becoming the head of state of the Republic after the New Year.

Second, the three-legged situation formed by the top leaders of the Republic made Yan Jingyu dare not act rashly.

Although the three-legged political pattern formed by Gu Weimin, Yan Jingyu and Ye Zhisheng had an impact on the development of the Republic. For example, in the Middle East War, only Yan Jingyu held a tough stance. Gu Weimin and Ye Zhisheng did not support the use of war to solve the problem, which led to the Republic's army winning the northern front. It did not do much on the southern front. However, this situation most effectively maintained the stability of the Republic, especially in the absence of a core leader, the mutually restricted political situation became the Pacific

Maintaining the basis of political stability. Because Shuai Yongkang, supported by Gu Weimin, has severely lacked political capital. Even if he becomes the executive vice premier, he is unlikely to become the main leader of the country before the Knife Year, and it is impossible to compete with Yan Jingyu for the position of head of state. Therefore, what Yan Jingyu needs to be wary of is not Gu Weimin, but Ye Zhisheng, who is eyeing him on the side. In this way, as long as he can successfully become the head of state of the Republic in the Year of the Insect, Yan Jingyu has no reason to challenge Gu Weimin in Yenian, and Ye Zhisheng, who has long been considered an ambitious man, is a wedding dress.

Third, the impact of the Middle East War is destined to be dominated by the stabilization of the internal situation in the years after Likou Year, the Republic will focus on stabilizing the internal situation and will not do much in external actions. And an ambitious politician like Yan Jingyu will definitely try to avoid this period. Just as Mrs. Lobring gave up the opportunity to run for US president in Daoli Nian, why did Yan Jingyu challenge Gu Weimin even though she knew she would not do much? More importantly, Yan Jingyu was a national leader trained by Wang Yuanqing himself. And he was a leader who was very similar to Wang Yuanqing in terms of personality and style of conduct. He could not have known that after the Middle East War, the Republic needed to recuperate and needed a leader like Gu Weimin, rather than an overly tough head of state.

Not to mention the three major factors. Any of them can make Yan Jingyu worry.

Of course, this analysis also points out the potential problem, that is, compared with Yan Jingyu, Ye Zhisheng will not be content with the status quo.

It can be said that, but the analysis was not accurate and the conclusions drawn were also very accurate.

After the general conference was established, the election of the new term began at the end of July of Likou

According to the rules, the next head of state must first be elected, and the head of state will nominate the Premier of the State Council, leaders of various departments, chief of staff of the Defense Forces and other major leaders of the central government and military institutions, and the plenary congress shall review and vote.

It was at this time that Ye Zhisheng announced his candidacy for the second head of the Republic.

In this way, the other two candidates were symbolically participating in the election. According to the provisions of the Election Law, if no candidate received more than half of the representatives in the first round of elections, the second round of elections will be the two candidates with the most votes, and the candidate with the most votes will be the head of state. Although judging from the situation at that time, if all representatives participated in the voting, Gu Weimin had a very large chance of winning in the first round of elections, but due to Ye Zhisheng's campaign, many representatives did not participate in the voting work of the first round of elections. As a result, Gu Weimin and Ye Zhisheng won no more than half of the votes. By the time of the second round of elections, the situation gradually became clear. Because Gu Weimin's support rate was much higher than Ye Zhisheng, and no longer required the support rate to be more than half, the representatives who had given up their voting rights made very wise choices and expressed that they would support Gu Weimin in the second round of elections.

By this time, Ye Zhisheng was at a loss. If he was a little rational, he should voluntarily withdraw from the election to avoid hostility with Gu Weimin. The problem is that at this time, Yan Shanglong, who had never had any political propositions, actually stood up to support Ye Zhisheng. To be precise, he supported democratic elections. Although in the eyes of the outside world, Yan Shanglong wanted to take this opportunity to improve the position of the State Council in the central decision-making, some insiders knew that Yan Shanglong was a very ideal diplomat who had been unswervingly supporting Wang Yuanqing's political reforms and the democratic political system established from this. In other words, he did not support Ye Zhisheng, nor did he want to take this opportunity to improve the status of Premier of the State Council. Instead, he hoped to use this election to determine the basic constitution of the democratic election.

Of course, some people believe that Yan Shanglong is a key pawn arranged by Wang Yuanqing in the Republic government.

Although there is no reason to believe that Yan Shanglong is Wang Yuanqing's confidant, and there is no reason to believe that Wang Yuanqing controls the daily administrative work of the central government of the Republic through Yan Shanglong, Wang Yuanqing's support for Yan Shanglong as Premier of the State Council before leaving office is definitely related to Yan Shanglong's political stance. In other words, as long as Yan Shanglong is in charge of the work of the State Council, no matter what Gu Weimin, Yan Jingyu and Ye Zhisheng fight, the Republic will not be in chaos.

It must be admitted that this is a very clever arrangement and a very critical security

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With this influence, even if Ye Zhisheng wants to withdraw from the election of the head of state. Of course, with Yan Shanglong's statement, the second round of elections is more like a ritualized meteoric scene and has no practical significance.

It is undeniable that this episode has a very important impact.

You should know that before this, no one dared to challenge the authority of the current head of state, and it was even more impossible to challenge the current head of state in elections. Although Ye Zhisheng's purpose was very utilitarian, no one could ignore the long-term impact. In any case, Ye Zhisheng's move at least made many people know that the construction of the democratic system in the Republic is not a joke. He can challenge Gu Weimin in two years, so naturally someone is challenging Yan Jingyu, and in any future election, someone will raise the country in the country in any future election.

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More importantly, Ye Zhisheng's move has very obvious positive significance for promoting political reform.

It must be admitted that the political reforms implemented by Wang Yuanqing did not achieve satisfactory results, and at least they did not establish their democratic political system based on universal suffrage. In any case, for a big country like the Republic, indirect elections based on the whole congress must have disadvantages. Although in many countries, such as most countries in Europe, they are implemented indirect elections based on parliament, that is, the parliamentary prime minister system. Instead of the United States' direct elections based on universal suffrage, that is, the president

Parliamentary system, but in countries with large populations and vast territory, the parliamentary prime minister system has great problems. Except for India, all major countries with a land area of ​​more than 100 million yuan are adopted. They are presidential parliamentary system, that is, they have a very strong central government. From this, it can be seen that the primary responsibility of a major country's central government is to maintain national stability and unity, and to make full use of favorable conditions such as large population, wide territory, and rich resources to safeguard national interests and voters.

According to Wang Yuanqing's plan, the second stage of political reform is mainly based on the realization of universal suffrage.

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The problem is that Gu Weimin is definitely not an ideal candidate to promote political reform. Facts have long proved that after taking office, Gu Weimin did not advance political reform in time according to Wang Yuanqing's instructions, and even deliberately downplayed political reform, otherwise he would not have proposed a "green mountains and green waters" plan. It can be said that during the first term of the year of the donkey to the year of the mouth, Gu Weimin had almost never achieved any achievements in political reform. If he still ignored political reform during his second term, when Yan Jing went on stage, there were probably not many citizens of the Republic who thought that political reform should be continued. It must be admitted that the time of the old year was enough to make people forget many things. It is hard to say that Shang Long stood up at this time and did not have any statutory occupation with Wang Yuanqing.

In any case, after Ye Zhisheng announced his participation in the head of state election, political reform once again became the main topic of daily discussion among citizens of the Republic. It is also true that before the second round of voting elections, Gu Weimin not only announced high-profilely that he fully respected and supported Ye Zhisheng's political choice, but also publicly announced that he would actively promote political reform after being elected as the head of state.

It has to be admitted that Ye Zhisheng came out to disrupt the situation, and the positive significance far exceeded the negative significance.

That's why after Gu Weimin won the second round of elections, he did not get rid of Ye Zhisheng's position as chairman. Instead, he expressed his generous expression that he would work with Ye Zhisheng to improve the democratic political system of the Republic. More importantly, after Gu Weimin was re-elected as the head of state, he immediately began to fulfill his previous promise.

It was at this time that Pei Chengyi became the Minister of Defense of the Republic.

Although the active Army General as Minister of Defense caused a great response, and some Western news media even claimed that the Republic would once again embark on the road of external expansion, compared with the political turmoil caused by the election of the new term, Pei Chengyi's movements were nothing.

Shuai Yongkang became the Executive Vice Premier of the State Council as he wished. However, under Yan Shanglong's firm request, the executive vice Premier's power was greatly reduced and he was only responsible for the daily work of the State Council. The three functional vice Premiers' status in charge of economy, science, education and security was consolidated.

Yan Jingyu was re-elected as the deputy head of state. More importantly, this election not only formally determined that the deputy head of state is a permanent national leader, but can no longer be established when needed as before. It does not establish when it is not needed. It also formally determined the scope of responsibilities of the deputy head of state. That is, the deputy head of state is not only the legal leader of the country No. 2, but will also be responsible for assisting the head of state in handling the daily affairs of the country. In other words, Yan Jingyu's powers have been determined, and in the central government of the Republic, he is no longer an optional leader.

Among the many personnel changes, the most eye-catching one is that Liu Xiaobin is the director of the Military Intelligence Bureau.

Li Cunxun did not break his promise. On the second day after Gu Weimin was elected, he resigned from his post as the Director of Military Intelligence Bureau. Because the personnel appointments of ministerial officials of the State Council were not approved by the General Assembly until the end of August. Therefore, Liu Xiaobin was not officially appointed as the Director of Military Intelligence Bureau until the beginning of the month of the month, and before that, he only acted as the acting director as the deputy director. Li Cunxun's departure had a much greater impact on the political structure of the Republic than any other personnel change, and even exceeded Gu Weimin's re-elected head of state. You should know that Li Cunxun was the last director in the history of the Military Intelligence Bureau who could have an impact on the head of state and even influence the basic policies of the country, and the last director who could make the Military Intelligence Bureau surpass the intelligence agency itself.

Although in the eyes of many people, because of Li Cunxun's age and his extraordinary relationship with Liu Xiaobin, he could still use Li Cunxun's influence when Liu Xiaobin became the director of the Military Intelligence Bureau. However, no one denies that Liu Xiaobin is only a successful director at most, and he will definitely not be a pioneer and builder like Li Cunxun. It can even be said that it would be very good for Liu Xiaobin to maintain the status of the Military Intelligence Bureau during his tenure.

Mo Yong doubted that Liu Xiaobin must unite with all those who can join forces, such as Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao.

That's why the personnel change of the Military Intelligence Director actually changed the power balance of the top leaders of the Republic. It made the balance slightly tilt towards Yan Jingyu. It's not that when Li Cunxun was in office, the Military Intelligence Bureau did not support Yan Jingyu. In fact, Li Cunxun was Yan Jingyu's biggest supporter. However, in terms of political inclination, Li Cunxun has always been very neutral, unless others break the rules first. Otherwise, he would never take the initiative to break the balance. It is precisely because of this that during Li Cunxun's tenure as director, the Military Intelligence Bureau was more like a supervisory agency, not an intelligence agency. As Liu Xiaobin had to join forces with Yan Jingyu, Pei Chengyi, Yuan Chenhao and others to resist the influence of Gu Weimin, Lin Xiaolei and Ye Zhisheng, the Military Intelligence Bureau would definitely not be able to continue to remain neutral, and he had to make choices on some key issues. In any case, as an intelligence agency with hundreds of thousands of employees, the slightest change in the political stance of the Military Intelligence Bureau will trigger a political earthquake.

In a sense, it is this change that gradually makes the political situation in the Republic clear.

Although in the eyes of many people, Wang Yuanqing is not engaged in political reforms to create party disputes, from the perspective of implementing a democratic political system, as long as party disputes can be controlled within a reasonable range and strict game rules are formulated for them, this may not be a good thing. In the final analysis, the democratic system is not only a game where a few people obey the majority, but also a social game that seeks balance among many interest groups. Only when two or more voices appear can the game promote social progress and solve social ills. In fact, this is the essence of the democratic system. As the founding father of the United States, Jefferson, said: I firmly oppose your remarks, but I swear to defend your right to speak to the death.

Only when the game is open and fair, can every group that forms society have the opportunity to speak, and let discussion and problem-solving become the basis for political decision-making. Only democratic systems can promote social progress.
Chapter completed!