;Pei Chengyi's material was the same, Yan Jingyu pondered again...

What Pei Chengyi did not expect was that Yan Jingyu did not answer with silence like before, and gave a clear reply, asking Pei Chengyi to submit a detailed war preparation plan and war plan as soon as possible, and after Liu Xiaobin came back, he submitted a development assessment report on the situation in the Middle East. Although Yan Jingyu still did not express his attitude, it was already a great progress to let Pei Chengyi formulate a war preparation plan and war plan, and let the Military Intelligence Bureau play a role. You must know that as long as the Military Intelligence Bureau intervene, the problem will be much simpler.

When Pei Chengyi left the head of state, it was already bright.

Like Wang Yuanqing, Yan Jingyu also likes to deal with important matters at night. It seems that only in a quiet night can he concentrate his energy and be able to think about some major issues.

For Pei Chengyi, this was not a good thing. Although many years ago, he often went to the head of state to report his work to Wang Yuanqing in the middle of the night, for the general who had already been a year old, he had long lost the energy he had in the past and was not very adapted to working all night long.

That's why Pei Chengyi decided to go home and have a sleep before going to find Yuan Chenhao.

In any case, formulating war preparations and war plans is a matter of the combat department, and Pei Chengyi does not need to do it himself.

On the afternoon of August 2019, I went home for a whole morning to sleep. Pei Chengyi, who had been fully nourished, went to the combat office and found Yuan Chenhao who was using war chess to deduce time.

"Preparation plan?"

“To be precise, it’s a strategic plan.”

Yuan Chenhao frowned slightly and said with a smile: "Old Pei, you look down on me too much."

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Pei Chengyi heard what Yuan Chenhao meant. After all, the combat office was a military institution and could only formulate a war plan. "There is no right to interfere in the national strategic plan. After a smile, Pei Chengyi said: "The Head of State asked me to deal with this matter. You also know that the real problem is not whether there is a plan, but whether there is a way to implement the plan. "I have to focus on this. No matter what, this is a plan related to the war" and it is related to the final success or failure, so I hope you will be responsible for the specific work and I will let Dongfang Wen provide you with assistance."

"So, I have no choice

Pei Chengyi smiled and said, "This is not a multiple-choice question, but a must-answer question."

Yuan Chenhao sighed and said, "Since that's the case, I have a request."

"Tell me, I knew you would make a request

"It's not an excessive requirement. I need to get the personnel transfer right from the General Staff."

Pei Chengyi's brow jumped a few times and did not rush to speak. Yuan Baohao's meaning was very clear. He wanted to take this opportunity to become the number one figure in the General Staff.

As we all know, after the election of the new term, Pei Chengyi became the number one general of the Republic without permission. Against this background, the Ministry of National Defense "accompanies" the General Staff. Although the Chief of General Staff was retained and is still the direct leader of the General Staff, under the influence of Pei Chengyi, the position of Chief of General Staff was ineffective since the Yennian period. On the contrary, the directors of several departments under the General Staff became the real power of the General Staff because they were directly responsible to the Minister of National Defense. Because the General Staff had long lost the power of personnel, the Personnel Department was basically undermined and had only combat.

The Department and the Logistics Department have influence. Yuan Chenhao is the director of the Operations Department, and the director of the Logistics Department is Su Jinhui who commanded the southern front in the Middle East War. Although in the eyes of many people, the Logistics Department of the General Staff and the Logistics Equipment Department of the Ministry of National Defense overlaps with the Logistics Equipment Department of the Ministry of National Defense, and its powers are definitely limited, the Logistics Equipment Department of the Ministry of National Defense is mainly aimed at weapons and equipment suppliers, while the Logistics Department of the General Staff is mainly aimed at the army, so the Logistics Department still has a great influence. More importantly, on the issue of the General Staff, Pei Chengyi did not unconditionally support Yuan Chenhao, so Yuan Chenhao and Su Jinhui became evenly matched opponents.

Seeing Pei Chengyi's expression change, Yuan Chenhao changed his words and said: "This large-scale strategic plan involves more than just combat issues. I can't say anything about national policies. I am only responsible for issues related to the army."

Yuan Chenhao said this to this point. Pei Chengyi couldn't continue to avoid it.

"I understand what you mean, I will consider this matter." Pei Chengyi glanced at his watch and said to the thug. "You can arrange the work related to the combat department first, and I will talk to Su Jinhui."

"Then I'll give you a brief report as soon as possible

Pei Chengyi nodded and did not talk anymore. He stood up and said goodbye to Yuan Chenhao. After leaving the combat office, Pei Chengyi did not rush to leave the General Staff, but went to the logistics office that was only separated by a garden.

In front of Su Jinhui, Pei Chengyi was not so polite.

It’s not that Pei Chengyi looks down on Su Jinhui more, but that Su Jinhui does not have the ambitions of Yuan Chenhao. To be precise, time is unforgiving. For Su Jinhui, who is close to the age of 1st grade, although according to regulations, the first-level general can serve until Shi Sui. The first-level general can serve forever as long as his physical condition allows, but Su Jinhui’s physical condition is not ideal, and he is tired of internal disputes in the army, so he would have long been thinking of retirement. It can even be said that if Pei Chengyi had not persuaded him to stay, Su Jinhui would not have served as the director of the Logistics Department in four. According to the current situation, by Kunnian, even if his physical condition allows, Su Jinhui would have retired.

In general, Su Jinhui is not an ambitious general.

Although many of the newly drawn soil on this site are: Please read halfway through the reading! Basi believes that Su Jinhui has not been able to become the chief of staff. If he is not able to survive the army, he is a thug. "A greater achievement is equivalent to wasting a general, but from Su Jinhui's standpoint, it is not a success to retire after the Blade Year, and go home to enjoy the joy of family life.

That's right, Pei Chengyi was much more direct in front of Su Jinhui.

The problem is that for Yuan Chenhao, it is not easy to make a complete war preparation plan for thugs.

The key is that this is "war preparation plan thugs. The new address of this site has been changed to: 0博取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取取

Compared with the war plan, the war preparation plan pays more attention to the impact of "non-military factors" on war. The so-called "non-military factors." specifically refers to those social factors that can affect the course of the war and even determine the outcome of the war, such as economic conditions, industrial strength, public opinion, cultural factors, etc. Although Yuan Chenhao had enough opportunities to come into contact with "non-military factors" during his tenure as the commander of the war zone, even at some point he needed to replace government officials to deal with foreign-related incidents, as the director of the Operations Department of the General Staff, Yuan Chenhao did not have the right to intervene in administrative affairs. More importantly, when working in China, Yuan Chenhao must pay attention to the influence, not as he would do at the war zone headquarters. In this way, when formulating war preparation plans, Yuan Chenhao will be subject to a lot.

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It can be said that this is the fundamental lice that Yuan Chenhao demanded to obtain "absolute rights"

After Pei Chengyi left, Yuan Chenhao convened the main staff of the combat office and held a brief meeting to introduce the relevant situation, and asked the staff to prepare for long-term overtime work.

In fact, Yuan Chenhao started working overtime that night.

Because he did not grasp other aspects, Yuan Chenhao could only talk about military issues. In fact, no matter whether it was a plan to prepare for war or not, as long as it was related to war, military issues must be considered first.

For the Republic, the Middle East War of the Year was definitely the worst war since the 2nd planer.

In the words of some republic news media, this is the first time that the Republic has not been able to achieve a complete victory after the self-defense counterattack against Vietnam in the late 2000s. It is also the worst war that the Republic fought in the century. Although most of the citizens of the Republic accepted this result and did not believe that the unfavorable results were directly related to the Republic's army, but believed in the propaganda of the Republic's official news media. They believed that there was a lot of laughter in the battlefield situation and the international situation, for the Republic's army, a war that was not satisfactory was enough to make everyone reflect and to allow the Republic's leaders to think deeply about national defense construction.

This is indeed the case.

Although in the eyes of many people, Gu Weimin is a very simple leader, and a pound of leader who does not attach much importance to national defense construction, no one can deny that during the entire administration, Gu Weimin did not significantly reduce national defense expenditures, especially during his second term, the average annual growth rate of national defense expenditures exceeded that of the hospital, basically recovering to the level during Wang Yuanqing's administration, and exceeding the growth rate of the Republic's GDP.

This shows how much impact the Middle East War had on the top leaders of the Republic.

Suddenly, the direct impact of the Middle East War was to change the development direction of the Republic's national defense construction.

As we all know, before the Middle East War, affected by the third military reform, the Republic has always pursued a strategic contraction policy, and the overall national defense power has shrunk, and only the Sky Army has developed greatly. Before the Middle East War, the Republic's army's strength fell to about 10,000 yuan, the lowest since the founding of the country. Although no one linked the results of the Middle East War with the third military reform, because without the third military reform, with the strategic delivery capabilities of the Republic's army, let alone sending a full 8 combat units to a battlefield thousands of kilometers away to perform combat missions, whether it can complete the pre-war deployment before the US military is a problem, and it is impossible to challenge the US military's military hegemony in the Middle East. However, after the Middle East War, many people believed that the military reform was the first time based on the results of the war.

The over-revolution has had a negative impact on the military power of the Republic. It is undeniable that this understanding is biased and does not recognize the great significance of the third military reform. It should be noted that the Middle East War broke out when the Republic's overall strength declined and a large amount of national strength broke out when India's post-war reconstruction and domestic construction. If it were not for the third military reform and forging a strong military force, the Republic would not have been able to support a pro-China regime in the Kurdistan region, and it would be even more impossible to change the strategic pattern of the Middle East region through a large-scale war. Importantly, it cannot be denied that the third military reform is far less than as big as imagined. In other words, due to the government's change of leadership, the third military reform did not achieve all the pre-formed goals.

The biggest problem is not here, but Gu Weimin does not have the courage to carry out military reform.

In the final analysis, the Middle East War has little to do with Gu Weimin, and it is not a clever person, so Gu Weimin gained very limited benefits from this war. According to the "experts of China" in some Western countries, during the election of Likou year, Ye Zhisheng dared to challenge because Gu Weimin did not receive absolute support from the army. It can be seen that Gu Weimin's relationship with the army is not close, and there is neither reason nor ability to carry out military reforms.

It can be said that Gu Weimin's political tendency is against the Republic

Fortunately, shortly after the Middle East War, Pei Chengyi became Minister of National Defense, and Lin Xiaolei also hoped to promote naval construction by promoting national defense construction. Therefore, starting from the Chinese New Year, the Republic's defense modernization construction was finally on track under the joint promotion of the Minister of National Defense and the Chief of General Staff.

It was from this time that the national defense construction of the Republic improved.

From this perspective, it is not an exaggeration to call Pei Chengyi the "rebuilder of the Republic's army. Although between the Year of the Year and the Four, the Republic's military forces are in the "recovery period." It is mainly to eliminate the impact of the Middle East war and domestic modernization on national defense construction and ensure that national defense construction can be carried out normally. More importantly, Pei Chengyi straightened out the relationship between the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff during this year, laying the foundation for the long-term development of national defense construction. No one can deny it. Pei Chengyi also did a very important thing in this clam, that is, to formulate a long-term development plan for each military branch for a long time, detailed in detail.

With Pei Chengyi becoming Vice Premier of Security in Yenian, the Republic's national defense construction finally entered the fast lane.

Of course, here we have to consider Pei Chengyi’s special place in the central government of the Republic.

Between the Likou Year and the Ye Year, Gu Weimin did not fully express his political position, so he did not dare to do anything about this active army general who had an influence that was no less than Lin Xiaolei. He even had to take care of Pei Chengyi's feelings at some point. It can be said that during this year, the Republic's defense budget could grow at the speed of the institute, and he became the Minister of National Defense with Pei Chengyi, and actively strived for a great laugh. After the Lidong Year, because Yan Jingyu had no military achievements and inherited the alliance between Wang Yuanqing and the young and strong faction, Pei Chengyi's right to speak was not only not weakened because of the loss of its value of use, but was strengthened a lot, and making him the deputy prime minister of security was directly reflected.

Anyway, after the stock year, Pei Chengyi transformed from an army commander to an army builder.

As it turns out, Pei Chengyi is better at the position of "builder" than in the position of "commander".

This kind of Jin Fang's talent not only made others admire him, but even Yuan Chenhao sighed.

It was this east's performance that made Yuan Chenhao realize that when he met Pei Chengyi, he was not only inferior to his military command, his ability to grasp the overall strategic situation, but also his political talent.

That's why after returning to the General Staff, Yuan Chenhao became much more honest than before.

To be precise, it is to start from the basics down-to-earth.

After changing his attitude, Yuan Chenhao quickly gained greater room for development in the General Staff. Four of them were able to be transferred from the Director of the Logistics Department to the Director of the Operations Department. In addition to having extraordinary relationships with Pei Chengyi, it is also related to Yuan Chenhao's performance in the General Staff.

Mo Yong doubted that this was a very critical personnel transfer.

As mentioned earlier, the Director of the Operations Department is basically the number one figure in the General Staff.

Of course, as early as in the mad years, when he was the Director of the Logistics Department of the General Staff, Yuan Chenhao participated in the modernization of the Republic's army, and borrowed the identity of the Director of the Logistics Department to participate in the development and procurement of all weapons and equipment development projects of the Republic's army after the Middle East War. After being transferred to the Director of the Operations Department, Yuan Chenhao began to integrate the resources of the combat department based on his work experience in the War Zone Command and the Logistics Department. The first thing he did was to combine all the combat plans related to the "World War" to form more than a dozen relatively complete war plans. Because several war plans integrated by him were highly valued by the Head of State, in just two years, Yuan Chenhao not only became the number one figure in the General Staff, but also likely became the second army general to enter the decision-making level of the Republic.

In any case, Yuan Chenhao was very clear about the current situation of the Republic's national defense forces.

It is precisely because Pei Chengyi thought of him at the first time and handed him over the most important task.

Although in the year of the Cong Nian, no one thought that Yuan Chenhao was the second Pei Chengyi. Because the difference between the two was too obvious. In the words of Aladdin, an Al Jazeera reporter who interviewed Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao alone, Pei Chengyi was the commander of talent and strategy, while Yuan Chenhao was a smart and capable leader. This evaluation is enough to see the difference between the two and to distinguish them. In fact, after the Indian War, Yuan Chenhao was trying every means to get rid of Pei Chengyi's influence, hoping to become a real military commander, and he was also very lucky. He became the commander of the South Asian theater before the age of 2016.

, and he was the youngest commander in the history of the war zone and the youngest commander in the war zone in peacetime in the Republic. More importantly, Yuan Chenhao gained independent development space from then on, and eventually got rid of Pei Chengyi's influence and became a household name in the Republic and even the whole world. But no one can deny that Yuan Chenhao still has many shadows of Pei Chengyi, especially when facing major affairs, Yuan Chenhao and Pei Chengyi are very similar. Of course, some people believe that the style of decisive behavior can be seen in any outstanding soldier, and is not a characteristic of a certain person.

No matter what, Yuan Chenhao is such a decisive soldier.
Chapter completed!