After Zu Yugang introduced the diplomatic situation, the meeting entered the ranking topic...

Although it involves military issues, it is not Pei Chengyi who is responsible for introducing the situation. In fact, since he was elected as the deputy head of state, Pei Chengyi no longer cares about the specific affairs in the army. After Yuan Chenhao became the chief of staff at the beginning of the year, Pei Chengyi became a hand-off manager and was only responsible for the overall strategy. All trivial matters were handed over to the General Staff and the Ministry of National Defense. According to the military mechanism of the Republic, Yuan Chenhao was not the only one who played the leading role in the army. Moreover, he could not finish everything alone. At the end of June, before leaving office, Yan Jingyu promoted Yang Shaoyong and other young generals brought out by Pei Chengyi personally according to Pei Chengyi's wishes. That's true. By the end of July, when Pei Chengyi took office, these generals were already familiar with the work situation and took on the heavy burden.

In other words, before Pei Chengyi was sworn in, the Republic's military concubine was under his control.

Of course, there is no way to do this.

A very critical issue is involved here, namely the status of Yuan Chenhao, a group of senior generals over the age of Tian, ​​in the Republic's army.

As we all know, Yuan Chenhao is not considered Pei Chengyi's direct subordinate. From a relationship point of view, Yuan Chenhao was promoted and cultivated by Xiang Yinghui. Except that he became famous later than Pei Chengyi, there was no big difference between him and Pei Chengyi in other aspects. The two were more like "sen and subordinates." It is precisely because of this that after the Indian War, Pei Chengyi was forced to leave the General Staff and lived a few years of "hidden identity". However, Yuan Chenhao was invincible in the South Asian War Zone. He was as if the Yangtze River was pushing the previous waves.

At that time, some people believed that the cooperative relationship between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao would not last long. Either when Pei Chengyi made a comeback or when Yuan Chenhao made a big splash, the two would split up. One of them would become a rare general in the history of the Republic, and the other would be destined to fall under the wheel of history.

Although this is not the case, Pei Chengyi made a comeback again and became the mainstay during the Middle East War. Yuan Chenhao was not greatly affected. Instead, he achieved new achievements. But everyone knows that after the Middle East War, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao did split up their ways. One was committed to political achievements, and the other strengthened the foundation in the army. The problem is that military is the continuation of politics. The army is the tool in the hands of politicians. It can be seen that the conflict between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao was not only not resolved, but became more and more intense. Some even believe that when the conflict between the two became irreconcilable, the history of the Republic would be rewritten.

At the end of the year in Likou, many intelligence agencies and consulting agencies in the United States made judgments. As Pei Chengyi's influence in the political circle of the Republic increased, Yuan Chenhao's position in the Republic's army increased rapidly. In Yenian, Yenian and Yenian, there was a possibility of political unrest in the Republic, among which Yenian and Yenian were the greatest risks, and Yenian was the most. As expected, the United States must make full use of this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. Among the American strategic experts who drafted the relevant reports, some even believed that this was the only opportunity for the United States to defeat the Republic in the century.

It is precisely because from the beginning of the sacrificial tone, the US intelligence agencies regarded Yuan Chenhao as the main "working target".

According to the information obtained by the Military Intelligence Bureau, just before the Han Nian, Si tried to instigate Yuan Chenhao three times. He even did not hesitate to make Yuan Chenhao treason by frame-up. The most representative of the one happened in Shi Nian. Yuan Chenhao's family involved the "Guangzhou Ruixing Company's commercial bribery case had not been deployed by the Military Intelligence Bureau. Having mastered the relevant evidence of Tian Yishou's traitor, even if Yuan Chenhao would not treason for this, he would have announced his retirement that year. In short, in order to achieve his goal, the US intelligence agencies almost used any means.

Of course, the United States' finger was not only aimed at Yuan Chenhao, but also at Pei Chengyi.

Before the new election, rumors emerged in society that Pei Chengyi had close ties with the major arms companies of the Republic and had private contact with the Lin family. Fortunately, the Military Intelligence Bureau made arrangements in advance and received support from Yan Jingyu. Targeted publicity was carried out at the end of the year. Otherwise, it would be almost impossible for Pei Chengyi to become the deputy head of state security affairs in 2018.

The problem is that no matter whether there are external factors or not, no one can deny the conflict between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Wuhao.

To be honest, this is not a conflict between Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao, but a conflict between the old and new generations of soldiers.

Although Pei Chengyi left the army as a politician as a politician as a politician. During his tenure as Minister of National Defense, Deputy Prime Minister of Security and Deputy Head of State, he showed all the talents that an excellent politician should possess, in the eyes of many people, especially in the eyes of the Republic's soldiers, Pei Chengyi's first identity was the number one general of the Republic, and the victory general who led the Republic's army to fight in a fierce battle and never lost. If he insisted on determining Pei Chengyi's identity as a politician and a military strategist, it would be too far-fetched. No matter what, no one can deny Pei Chengyi's status in the hearts of soldiers and his influence in the army. It can even be said that in addition to the founding fathers, Pei Chengyi is the country with the most support from soldiers in the history of the Republic.

If Pei Chengyi had to determine a position in the army, then he would definitely be Xiang Yinghui's successor.

Although some people believe that Pei Chengyi held the highest position in the army was the Director of the Operations Department of the General Staff. He was not as good as Xiang Yinghui, or even Lin Xiaolei, objectively speaking, even if Pei Chengyi had never been the Chief of General Staff. After becoming the Minister of National Defense, his status had surpassed the Chief of General Staff. If the impact of military reforms is included, the General Staff was demoted from an independent military command to one of the military institutions under the Ministry of National Defense, and it was Pei Chengyi who completed this reform. Then Pei Chengyi's status in the Republic's army not only surpassed Lin Xiaolei, but even Xiang Yinghui who cultivated him. Because when doing these things, Pei Chengyi's primary identity was the Minister of National Defense, so many people counted military reforms in his political achievements, but they did not expect that this was also a military achievement.

Since Pei Chengyi is a military commander like Xiang Yinghui, he has to train a group of direct subordinates.

Just like when Xiang Yinghui ignored Peng Maobang's opposition, he valued a group of young officers such as Pei Chengyi. Before leaving the army, Pei Chengyi focused on cultivating a group of young officers. The most representative ones were Yang Shaoyong, Hu Jing'an, Long Hongen and other young generals who participated in the Indian War and followed Younan Meng's battle after that. Compared with Yuan Chenhao, the biggest feature of these young generals is that they have no direct relationship with Xiang Yinghui. Take Yang Shaoyong as an example. Although Xiang Yinghui was still the chief of staff during the Indian War, it was not Xiang Yinghui who transferred him to the General Staff and arranged him to the Front Command, but Pei Chengyi. It is precisely this. Yang Shaoyong and other young generals can be regarded as Pei Chengyi's direct subordinates.

The problem is that some of Pei Chengyi's actions are very incomprehensible.

Until 2008, after becoming the deputy head of state who was responsible for security affairs, Pei Chengyi did not focus on promoting Yang Shaoyong and others. He even asked Dongfang Wen, who had been with him for many years, to leave the Ministry of National Defense and go to the deputy head of state's residence to be an ordinary secretary. Although some people think that Pei Chengyi is using this to avoid suspicion, after all, as the No. 2 leader of the country, when Yan Jingyu is not very proficient in military affairs and has little close relationship with the army, if Pei Chengyi focuses on cultivating his subordinates, it will not only arouse Yan Jingyu's suspicion, but also be opposed by many government officials.

However, at that time, Yan Jingyu had already determined that Pei Chengyi was the next head of state of the Republic and expressed support for Pei Chengyi's decision on many occasions. Otherwise, Pei Chengyi's military reforms would not have ended smoothly, so there was no resistance from Yan Jingyu.

According to the situation at that time, the biggest problem is likely to be Yuan Chenhao.

As we all know, after Lin Xiaolei, the Chief of General Staff had been destroyed in name only. The power of the General Staff was handed over to the Ministry of National Defense. The power of several functional directors exceeded that of the Chief of General Staff. In other words, since the year of the Knife, Yuan Chenhao became the top leader of the General Staff. From this we can see that if Pei Chengyi vigorously promoted his subordinates in the position of Deputy Prime Minister of Security and Deputy Head of State, he would inevitably suppress Yuan Chenhao, resulting in a complete breakup between the two. As long as Pei Chengyi is still a person who has a view of the overall situation and puts the overall situation first in everything, he would not have touched Yuan Chenhao's cake at this time.

In fact, Pei Chengyi not only did not touch Yuan Chenhao's cake, but also thought about Yuan Chenhao everywhere.

In the second half of the year, the candidate for the Chief of General Staff was put on the agenda. According to the rules set by Wang Yuanqing that year, the Chief of General Staff would be the Chief of General Staff of the Service, and by the year of the year, the Chief of General Staff of the Tianjun should be appointed by the Chief of the Tianjun. The problem is that when Wang Yuanqing set this rule, the Tianjun had not yet formed an independent army. In other words, there is a dispute over whether the Chief of the Tianjun was qualified to serve as the Chief of General Staff. If the environment was changed, this might not be a big deal. The problem is that if the Tianjun was excluded, the next Chief of General Staff would come from the Army, and the most promising one would be Yuan Chenhao. At that time, Yan Jingyu's attitude was that the Chief of the Tianjun was appointed as the Chief of General Staff.

It is understandable that he recognizes the status of the Heavenly Army. After all, Yan Jingyu is Wang Yuanqing's direct descendant. More importantly, judging from the situation at that time, Yan Jingyu is very likely to want to suppress Yuan Chenhao and pave the way for Pei Chengyi to become the head of state. As a result, Pei Chengyi did not agree with this, but believed that according to the new round of military reform, the decision-making body of the General Staff should be formed by the chief of staff of four major military branches and two independent branches, and the Chief of Staff was elected internally. Because Yuan Chenhao's qualifications and contributions were placed there, according to this method, he could only serve as the Chief of Staff, so Pei Chengyi did this. It was clearly supporting Yuan Chenhao.

It is precisely because at the beginning of the year, Yuan Chenhao took office as Chief of Staff and Chief of General Staff.

Of course, Pei Chengyi didn't get anything. With Yan Jingyu's repeated insistence, Yang Shaoyong, Hu Jing'an, Long Hongen and others all took important positions in the Ministry of National Defense.

Affected by this, many people believe that Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao made a deal.

No matter what, by this time, the conflict between the two generations of soldiers in the Republic had already surfaced.

Although he had just been in office for half a year, with his previous experience as the Director of the Operations Department, Yuan Chenhao was considered the first person in the "Zhongxing General Staff". In fact, many of Yuan Chenhao's actions after becoming the Chief of General Staff also make people think that he really wants to restore the status of the General Staff and make it the number one military institution of the Republic, not just a military command organization under the Ministry of National Defense.

, I'm suspicious, what Yuan Chenhao did. The General Staff and the Ministry of National Defense

If it were 20 years ago, this was not a problem. After all, the foreign threat faced by the Republic was not strong, but as the world war approached, any kind of internal friction could lead to unimaginable consequences. Not to mention anything else, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao were both talented generals and both had the ability to command the commander. If the General Staff revived, who would command the Republic's army during the war?

The problem is that before July Blade Day, these problems can only be poisoned.

Although Yan Jingyu thought of intervening in person based on the situation at that time, as the outgoing head of state, unless Yan Jingyu wants to break the rules set since Ji Youguo and want to interfere in the political situation after retirement, he will have to leave this issue to Pei Chengyi. Of course, as the incumbent national leader, Yan Jingyu can lay some preparations for Pei Chengyi, such as delegating Pei Chengyi's men to an important position.

It must be admitted that Pei Chengyi is indeed a talented commander.

Although in the eyes of many people, Pei Chengyi is a veritable and victorious general, objectively speaking, putting aside the difference between military and politics, Pei Chengyi's most outstanding talent is the ability to identify and employ people.

Compared with Pei Chengyi, Yuan Chenhao lacks this kind of talent.

From this perspective, Yuan Chenhao did not pose a threat to Pei Chengyi at all. In other words, even if Pei Chengyi gave in and took ten thousand steps, with Yuan Chenhao's talent at the age of the year, he could not sit in Pei Chengyi's position, and it was even more impossible to replace Pei Chengyi. In this way, Pei Chengyi not only had no reason to suppress Yuan Chenhao, but should use Yuan Chenhao. For this reason, what Pei Chengyi had to do first was to show his sharpness and make the outside world think that the generals and ministers of the Republic were incompatible.

It can be said that when Pei Chengyi did this, he showed that he had become a real politician.

To see more in-depth, the so-called conflict between the new and old generations of soldiers is actually a fictitious thing.

It is undeniable that a large number of young generals such as Yang Shaoyong are indeed aggressive, but it is too early for these young generals to become the backbone of the Republic's army. Not to mention anything else, taking Yang Shaoyong as an example, even as an army general, if he wants to challenge the older generation of generals such as Yuan Chenhao and Su Jinhui, he still lacks a necessary condition, that is, to command the Republic's army and win a war. You must know that the army is not about connections, but about reality.

Strength. For generals, commanding troops is a direct manifestation of strength. After taking off his military uniform, no one can surpass his influence in the army because he has achievements that others do not have. As we all know, Yuan Chenhao's military achievements are second only to Pei Chengyi, and even Su Jinhui is much worse than him. It can be seen that if Yang Shaoyong and others want to surpass Yuan Chenhao, they have to wait at least several years and try to make their mark in the next war.

It is obvious that the older generation of generals are still the mainstay of the Republic's army, and the younger generation can only be regarded as pillars at most.

From this perspective, we can better understand Pei Chengyi's good intentions. In the situation at that time, if Pei Chengyi suppressed Yuan Chenhao everywhere like Yan Jingyu, he would only have the effect of being shocked. That is, the younger generation of generals took advantage of the situation to attack, inciting internal conflicts in the army, and making the army in chaos. Everyone was in danger. It would clearly support Yuan Chenhao and support Yuan Chenhao everywhere, which would not only not lead to internal strife in the army, but would instead make the army orderly and make everyone focus on national affairs.

This alone is enough to prove that Pei Chengyi is definitely a commander-in-law.

However, what is even more incomprehensible is that Pei Chengyi did not take advantage of such a good opportunity. In other words, before taking the oath to serve as the head of state, Pei Chengyi did not take advantage of the privileges given by Yan Jingyu, but only did what the deputy head of state should do. That is, without making large adjustments to the military personnel arrangements, the right to mobilize personnel has always been the privilege of the head of state. In this way, after becoming the head of state, Pei Chengyi had to face a lot of things. Of course, Pei Chengyi's attitude is not difficult to understand. As a soldier, he naturally put discipline at the highest position. It can be said that decades of military career have left too many traces on Pei Chengyi, making him seem out of place with other politicians. It is precisely because Pei Chengyi gave people a new feeling, and he won with a support rate that surpassed the globe in the general election, becoming the second army general who moved into the head of state since Zhao Rundong.

Fortunately, the administrative work in the past year allowed Pei Chengyi to learn a lot that he could not learn in the army.

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Before this; Pei Chengyi had already made arrangements and adjustments to the work of a group of generals such as Yuan Chenhao and Yang Shaoyong, that is, Yuan Chenhao was responsible for the overall plan of the war and formulated a detailed and complete war plan. Yang Shaoyong and others assisted as officials of the Ministry of National Defense. They were also responsible for contacting other parts and solving problems involving other industries and fields, including equipment production, material mobilization, etc.

That's why there were no confusion at the meeting.
Chapter completed!