Although he is in the deep mountains, he has not heard of political affairs for a long time. However, Wang Shiqing's ability to judge the situation is also shocked.

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While he was discussing the international situation with Pei Chengyi at the dining table, in the Moscow Kremlin thousands of kilometers away, Russian President Paulkin Ivanovic Chiliyakov personally held a secret meeting of Russian military and political leaders with presided over for nearly an old hour and had not yet ended. Those who attended the meeting were at least ministerial officials or soldiers at major generals or above, and they all held important positions, including Vice President Jodnovic, Prime Minister Iliushenko, Defense Minister Yankic, and Foreign Minister Orr.

Gakov, Russian Chief of Staff General Uriyanov, Deputy Chief of Staff General Provitzkin, Army Commander General Cherwinsky, Navy Commander General Sonovov, Air Force Commander General Krachov, Sky Commander General Dukov and others. From the participants, it can be seen that this is definitely not a simple high-level meeting, but a pre-war meeting with military as the main topic. It is worth noting that the leading role of the meeting was not the many generals, but the master of the Kremlin, Russian President Chiliyakov.

In Russia, Chiliakov is definitely a household legend.

As early as the old year of Li, Kiliakov, who was a military adviser, went to Iran as a military adviser and assisted the Iranian army in Abadan, Avas and Andy Meshk in fighting. He won the "Medal of Islamic Honor" by the Supreme Spiritual Leader of Iran three times. Unfortunately, these experiences were not made public and were not known to the Russians.

In the year, Chiyiyakov returned to China gloriously and became the youngest colonel of the Russian army in recent years. Because of his outstanding performance in Iran and his proficiency in two foreign languages ​​Persian and English, Chiliyakov was attracted by the Russian top intelligence agency, which was reorganized from the Russian National Security Agency in the second year after the collapse of the Soviet Union of the Russian National Security Agency and became an intelligence officer.

It must be admitted that everyone will be influenced by fate. In July of 2019, less than two months after Kiliakov joined the Russian National Security Agency. The third Chechen war broke out, and Chechen rebels who were secretly supported by Western intelligence agencies such as Four and Cannon made a comeback. They controlled Grozny in the old sky, captured Russian military camps in the suburbs, and killed, wounded and captured nearly 1,000 Russian officers and soldiers. Because they participated in several urban wars in Iran and lived in an Islamic country for several years. So Kiliakov followed the first batch of internal affairs to Chechnya in early August. From then on, this "Iranian hero stepped onto the historical stage of Russia.

The third Chechen War was fierce, but not tragic. Although the US authorities clearly used this to attack Russia, avenge the Iranian War, and curb Russia's rise, the Peninsula War that broke out later targeted the Republic, the US authorities took the wrong time. Not to mention that many officers and soldiers in the Russian army participated in the Iran War. In particular, some middle-level officers and military advisers, they assisted the Iranian army in fighting several battles and gained a new understanding of urban warfare. With the domestic situation in Russia at that time, that is, the fighting spirit of the Russian military and civilians to work hard to resist the Great Depression together. Even if the US intelligence department provides full support, Chechen rebels will not be in a state of crisis.

For a large number of Russian young soldiers such as Kiliakov, this is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. In this government of Kiliakov alone, the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense, the Chief of General Staff, the Deputy Chief of General Staff, the Commander of the Fourth Army, the Vice President and the Minister of Foreign Affairs also participated in diplomatic negotiations related to the Third Chechen War. In previous governments before Kiliakov, most senior officials were involved in the Third Chechen War.

In the words of some European news media, the Third Chechnya War was the touchstone of both Russian military and political circles.

Because it involves the president's personal privacy, how much contribution Chiliakov made in the Third Chechen War is still a mystery. Only one thing is certain, it is this war that has brought this young man who should have worked in the National Security Agency for the rest of his life to the political stage and become a highly anticipated political star. More importantly, Chiliakov's experience is easily reminiscent of Russia's ZTE fathers, former president Pulai, who led Russia to revival at the beginning of this century, who led Russia to revival at the beginning of this century

That's why after the Third Chechen War, Kiliakov's career was as good as the Qinggong.

Four, just aged 2018, Kiliakov became the chief deputy director of the Russian National Security Agency, and served as the special security adviser to the Russian president. Three years later, Kiliakov went to India as the president's special envoy. He reached a secret agreement with India, which had just experienced the conflict in southern Tibet and was actively expanding its military preparations. It not only helped India repair a large number of Russian-made weapons and equipment, but also saved hundreds of Russian companies on the verge of bankruptcy and improved Russia-Indian relations. After the end of the Indian War, Kiliakov participated in the comprehensive nuclear disarmament negotiations as the main representative of the Russian negotiating team, and actively advocated defending national interests with a tough stance, winning the trust and support of the top Russian leaders and military and civilians. After the signing of the London Treaty, Kiliakov, who had been in good condition, had already been in good condition.

When Fu returned to Moscow, he first served as assistant to the Minister of Defense, and was promoted three times in the next six months. At the end of that year, after the Minister of Defense resigned due to illness, Kiliakov, who had not done much in the Ministry of Defense, surpassed many competitors, and was from President Qin Jianshushang and the different body clams, reading a good place to read. Ershanlu Defense Minister. Kiliakov not only served as the head of national defense again, but also entered the top leadership of the Russian Federation as the Minister of Defense. This year, he was only Feng Sui, the youngest among the top leaders of the Russian Federation. By this time, Kiliakov's leadership position in Russian politics was confirmed, and becoming the President of Russia became a matter of time. In 2 years, Kiliakov became the prime minister of the new government, and gradually transitioned from a military leader to an all-round leader.

Four years later, that year, with the full support of Russia's revitalization party, Russia's largest political party and the only ruling party since independence, Chiliakov was successfully elected without any challenges. He became Russia's oldest president and the first president.

Strictly speaking, being elected president can only be regarded as a newcomer to Chiliakov's political career.

Although in the eyes of many people, affected by the former president and various legacy issues, during the first term, Chiliakov's performance was not outstanding, with conservative policies, which was contrary to the voters' strong desire for reform, and was even strongly questioned by Russian public opinion. It is precisely because of this that in previous elections, Chiliakov not only promised to promote domestic reforms, but also made Kazakhstan's military coup before the election began, and also sent troops to convince voters that he was not only a president who was determined to reform, but also a hard-line president.

Sending troops to Kazakhstan was a success of Kiliakov and pushed Russia to the brink of destruction.

According to the information later declassified, at the beginning of the year, a week before the outbreak of the Kazakhstan military coup, Kiliyakov left Moscow and secretly went to the Russian strategic command center in the Ural Mountains to stay in the Kremlin. When the military coup broke out, Kiliyakov signed a top-secret order that when the Republic sends troops to intervene and fights with the Russian army, the Russian army can take the lead in launching a strategic strike.

Influenced by the order, when the military coup broke out, the Russian strategic troops had entered a state of combat readiness, hundreds of ballistic missiles could be launched at any time, dozens of strategic bombers were launched on time, and several strategic nuclear submarines were waiting for air in the Barents Sea. In short, there was a trend of a world war coming to an end. Perhaps it was affected by this. At the critical moment, the leaders of the Republic responded calmly and did not take only one important step, delaying the war for several years.

Mu Yong doubted that Kiliakov was the biggest beneficiary of this open and secret struggle.

The problem is that as a soldier president, Chiliakov, could not have been unaware that his reckless actions have pushed Russia to the opposite side of the Republic. The Republic did not send troops to Kazakhstan in previous years, which does not mean that the Republic will not attack Russia in the future. Because before the Indian War, Chiliakov visited Beijing many times as a special envoy, and even lived in Beijing for a while, so he had some understanding of Eastern culture and knew the "way of tolerance". In his opinion, the more forbearing the authorities of the Republic, the stronger the resentment towards Russia. Japan and India are the lessons of Russia. The day when the Republic decides to revenge is the day of Russia's national disaster.

Influenced by this, after being re-elected, Kiliakov began to spare no effort to strengthen his arms.

In fact, before that, Chelyakov was doing this.

Looking back, Russia and the United States' secret alliance is also the credit of Chiliakov. Although this is difficult to understand, because in most people's eyes, a politician who fights the US military on the battlefield of Iran, fights with American intelligence agencies in Chechnya, and fights with the United States in disarmament negotiations cannot regard the United States as an ally, but don't forget that in the eyes of politicians, there are no eternal enemies and no eternal friends. When he was the chief deputy director of the Security Bureau, Chiliakov advocated reconciliation with the United States and use the power of the United States to consolidate Russia's position on the Eurasian continent, thereby confronting the actively expanding republic.

It can be said that Chiliakov was able to rise to the forefront. His reverberation of several presidents is not unrelated to his view.

Although the Iran War pushed Sino-Russia friendly relations to the peak, some people even believed that in order to compete with the United States, two adjacent major parliaments formed a secret alliance. However, as the saying goes, prosperity will decline, and after the peak, it will be a downhill. In essence, the Republic and Russia can get along with friendly relations with each other for one reason, that is, they face common threats. To be precise, before the Iran War, in the face of the hegemony of the United States, the Republic and Russia were unable to protect themselves, and only by actively cooperating can they gain a place. After the Iran War, the United States' hegemony declined and the Republic flourished. Coupled with the impact of the global Great Depression, the friendly relations between the Republic and Russia naturally came to an end.

Objectively speaking, it is not Russia that seeks change, but the Republic.

Although the Republic did not directly provoke Russia before the Kazakhstan incident, and even had some concerns on some issues related to the fundamental interests of the two countries. For example, until Pei Chengyi came to power, the Republic did not annex Mongolia, but in some issues related to Russia, the Republic was not so polite on some issues related to Russia. The most representative one was naturally the three wars against India. You should know that in Russia's global strategy, India is definitely not an optional and insignificant pawn, but one of the friendly countries that Russia attaches most importance to, and its status is even above the Republic. It can be said that under the premise that the Republic must use India to solve the problem of population seven... only, its relations with Russia, especially the basic level, will definitely not be much better. It can even be said that if it were not for the increasing gap in national strength with the Republic after the year, Russia would have taken action long ago.

The problem is that before the Liwu Nian, there were not many Russians who could accurately recognize this.

In any case, before the Indian War, Sino-Russia relations were still mainly cooperation. More importantly, due to the impact of the global Great Depression, Russia had to rely on the Republic, or rely on the Republic's huge domestic market, otherwise Russia's economy would suffer a catastrophe.

It is precisely because after the Indian War, Kiliakov entered the Russian high-level decision-making circle.

From this we can see that Chelyakov is not a natural pro-American, and he is not even a real pro-American faction, but he is definitely an absolute "Great Russianist". In his eyes, Russia's interests are above everything else, so he can do anything for this.

Although Chiliakov is definitely an unpopular guy to the Republic, from another perspective, he is much cuteer than those pro-Americans who advocate turning to the United States. In any case, Chiliakov will not work hard for the United States, nor will he sell Russia for the interests of the United States. To put it more directly, if it is not good for Russia, he will definitely not fulfill the secret alliance treaty.

The problem is that in Russia, politicians like Chiliakov are already very rare.

Not to mention the new generation of politicians who emerged after the Third Chechen War, many politicians of Chelyakov's contemporary era advocated completely surrendering to the United States and no longer adhere to the basic strategy of independence. These politicians believe that in the short term, it will be difficult for Russia to have the conditions to compete for global hegemony with the two superpowers, and its international influence is not even comparable to the EU. If Russia wants to rise, in addition to actively developing and growing, it must also make full use of the favorable situation of the two powers in the battle for hegemony and seize all opportunities to promote major changes in the world situation; only after the Republic and the United States suffer both losses and the global situation is reshuffled, Russia has the right to become the world's number one power; because Russia borders the Republic and has historical grievances, helping the Republic replace the United States will not bring any benefits to Russia, but will put Russia in a desperate situation. Only by assisting the United States to defeat the Republic and causing the United States to be greatly damaged will it be the most beneficial to Russia.

Let’s not talk about whether this view is correct, at least in Chelyakov’s view, this is equivalent to putting Russia at the forefront.

Affected by this, since the beginning of the two Western years, that is, after sending troops to Kazakhstan, the Russian authorities have been arguing over whether to take the initiative to turn against the Republic.

The "pragmatic factions" led by Chelyakov believe that in the era of great change, Russia should retreat to the second line and stick to the results, rather than be the first to stand out. It should not proactively provoke the hegemony of the Republic. Only after the United States and the Republic went to war, Russia can act on its own and participate in the war in the most favorable circumstances. The "ideal factions" led by Vice President Jodnovic believe that without Russia's support, the United States would not be able to defeat the Republic, and the United States' defeat is equivalent to Russia's defeat. Therefore, for the sake of Russia's future, it should be more active and take the initiative to meet the challenges.

If it were in the past, this debate might have run through Chiliakov's entire administration.

The problem is that the outbreak of the war is already very obvious. Without dominance, neither Chelyakov nor Jodnovic, I don’t know how much time it has to let the Russian authorities decide, so in more than a year, both of them are taking active actions, hoping to support their claims.

Anyway, these two most influential figures in Russia are doing their national interests

.

It's just that outside the two, things are not that simple. Logically speaking, Russian generals should strongly support the president who was born in a military. Russian federal government officials should support the vice president who was born in a civilian manner. But the actual situation is just the opposite. Jodnovic, who is in charge of the war, received support from the army. Chiliyakov, who is in charge of the peace, received support from the officials. In the final analysis, this is also the result of interests. It's just that among the many senior officials, Prime Minister Ilyushenko's attitude is the most ambiguous and most important. In the stalemate between the two sides, Ilyushenko's attitude seems crucial. Unfortunately, in Russia's political framework structure, the Prime Minister is often a fence-based politician or administrative staff who has no clear political opinions. Ilyushenko is no exception. He has never expressed his attitude in the Chicho dispute.

Affected by this, after more than a year, Russia has not only prepared for war, but has not figured out the purpose of preparing for war.

It was not until mid-July of Lite, as the election of the Republic's head of state and the central government settled, Chiliakov and Giordnoviz reached a consensus that in any case, they had to set a basic strategy as soon as possible and could not continue to waste time on the choice of the general direction.

It can be said that the Republic's election forced the Russian authorities to make a quick decision.

The problem is that such a major strategic decision is definitely not a one-time deal. Even if it has been debated for more than a year, the two major interest groups will still make the final battle before the announcement is over.

From the night of August 6 to the early morning of the 7th, this meeting pushed the internal struggle of the Russian Federation to the peak. The different body clams are in different ways, and the place to read is good.
Chapter completed!