Che Chengyi, who appeared at the end of the road, stood up and arrived at the two "bad guardrails". After seeing several military-plate cars, Pei Chengyi immediately went downstairs and came outside the gate of the courtyard. Soon, the convoy stopped beside the road outside, and a major officer in an army uniform got out of the car and walked towards Pei Chengyi in casual clothes.

"General". The major officer saluting is very standard.

Pei Chengyi returned the courtesy and looked at the major.

"General, I am Major General Dongfang Wen from the Operations Department of the General Staff and said as I handed the military certificate to Pei Chengyi. "Chief of General Staff, please go back immediately."

"Now? Pei Chengyi took a look and returned the military certificate to Major Dongfang Wen.

Officer Dongfang Wen nodded and said, "The plane is ready and can take off at any time. Please get in the car.

"I have to wait for me to change my clothes and say hello to my family?"

The major officer was stunned for a moment, then showed a shy smile.

"You guys are waiting here, I'll come out in ten minutes."

After looking at the major officer, Pei Chengyi turned around and returned to the house, greeted his wife who was busy making dinner, went upstairs to visit his mother who was paralyzed in bed, went back to the room to change into military uniforms, packed up a few sets of spare military uniforms and changed into underwear, and brought photos of his daughter. When he arrived outside the courtyard, the old minutes just passed.

Before getting in the car, Pei Chengyi glanced at his wife who appeared on the terrace on the second floor.

After the convoy set off, Pei Chengyi breathed a sigh of relief. He knew that the separation would not last a few days, maybe a few months, or even a few years!

"General, do you smoke?" Major Dongfang Wen must have learned about Pei Chengyi's situation before he arrived.

Pei Chengyi took the cigarette he handed over and acted a little unfamiliar when lighting it.

"Don't worry, this is the latest product, absolutely does not contain nicotine, and it is harmless to the body if you smoke it."

"Is it addictive to nicotine without it?"

Dongfang Wen was stunned for a moment and did not argue with Pei Chengyi.

Pei Chengyi did not make things difficult for the major officer. He turned his eyes out the window.

For Lieutenant General Pei Chengyi, who just celebrated his mother's birthday, his experience in the past few years makes him feel like he is a different life.

After the Sino-Indian border conflict was "finished", Pei Chengyi was sent by Xiang Yinghui to the National Defense University for further studies before staying in the General Staff. Although Pei Chengyi was nominally the leader of the first batch of further study officers, he benefited a lot from it, but Pei Chengyi knew the reason why Xiang Yinghui asked him to leave the General Staff.

If nothing unexpected happens, Xiang Yinghui will resign from the position of Chief of General Staff in Liren Year, that is, after the government changes its leadership.

Although Pei Chengyi's performance was fully in line with and even exceeded the basic requirements of becoming the Chief of General Staff, when Xiang Yinghui was unwilling to put the head of state in a difficult situation, Chengyi could not become the new Chief of General Staff. According to the system set during the second military reform, the one who replaced Xiang Yinghui as the Chief of General Staff was either Lin Xiaolei or Zhang Zhongxian.

In terms of qualifications, Pei Chengyi is one worse than the two

Of course, this is not the main reason why Xiang Yinghui asked Pei Chengyi to "avoid suspicion".

Although Xiang Yinghui never mentioned the fundamental reason to let him leave the General Staff, Du Chengyi knew that Xiang Yinghui was asking him to "retreat to advance."

Pei Chengyi stayed in the General Staff Department, and Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian would treat him as the most powerful competitor. According to the simplest principle of struggle, Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian will definitely join forces to get rid of the main competitors and decide again. Pei Chengyi took the initiative to leave the General Staff Department, causing Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian to lose their common "enemy", so there is no need to deal with Pei Chengyi, which will quickly intensify the conflict between the two.

No matter who laughs the last time, they will be neglected by Wang Yuanqing because they are too white.

The development of the matter confirmed Pei Chengyi's speculation. When he was studying at the National Defense University, Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian first had a conflict on the military budget of the Blade Blade Year. Although it was just a gap. However, the military budget was a secondary issue, and it was mainly who would dominate the military construction of the Republic. From then on, the conflict between Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian came to the surface. Even if the two had no selfish intentions and were competing for military expenditure for the future development of their military branches, this only thing can determine the status of the two, thus determining the future candidate for the Chief of Staff.

The final result was surprising.

Wang Yuanqing first beat the two of them to 50 slam each. Then he completed the last work of the second military reform before the change of leadership, that is, to make a comprehensive adjustment to the command mechanism of the General Staff, and finally invited Peng Maobang back to the capital, and Zhang Maobang came forward to do the work for Xiang Yinghui, so that Xiang Yinghui could stay.

In other words, Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian competed for each other, and finally Xiang Yinghui was in a favorable position!

Even Pei Chengyi did not consider this result.

Afterwards, Pei Chengyi had to admit that Xiang Yinghui was petty in this matter. He led Pei Chengyi away, which triggered a conflict between Lin Xiaolei and Zhang Zhongxian, and Xiang Yinghui became the biggest beneficiary. In other words, Xiang Yinghui's fundamental purpose was not to let Pei Chengyi avoid internal struggles, but to give himself the opportunity to succeed. In a sense, Xiang Yinghui made Pei Chengyi move, and for his own benefit, he dragged Pei Chengyi back.

At that time, Pei Chengyi felt very uncomfortable and even had the idea of ​​retirement.

It was not until the beginning of the year when Pei Chengyi completed two years of training and was about to leave the National Defense University that a meeting with Wang Yuanqing changed his mind. At that time, Wang Yuanqing participated in the graduation ceremony of the first general training class as the commander of the Republic's army. He personally wore brand new epaulettes for dozens of young and strong generals, including Pei Chengyi, and also attended the graduation banquet that night. Wang Yuanqing was the only one in the banquet. "Pei Chengyi was a little bit smaller, and the leader of young and strong generals who were commanding several wars. The Republic

The situation. When talking to Wang Yuanqing, Pei Chengyi learned that Xiang Yinghui had long wanted to leave the General Staff. He did not leave. It was not that he did not want to leave, but that he was kept by Wang Yuanqing. The reason was very simple. A large-scale war against India was about to break out, and the entire combat strategy was completed under the leadership of Xiang Yinghui. If the Chief of Staff was replaced at this time, neither Lin Xiaolei nor Zhang Zhongxian could command combat operations completely in accordance with the wishes of the head of state like Xiang Yinghui. He was not the best wartime military commander.

Xiang Yinghui is very important, and Pei Chengyi is also very important. Because Pei Chengyi is the specific developer of the combat strategy and thugs.

Wang Yuanqing talked to Pei Chengyi alone, which not only eliminated Mu Chengyi's suspicion about Xiang Yinghui, but also gave Pei Chengyi a deeper understanding of the obligations and responsibilities of soldiers.

After graduation, Pei Chengyi did not return to the General Staff but went to Islamabad as a military coordinator.

In addition to helping Pakistan complete the reform of the military command system, Pei Chengyi was mainly to provide strategic guidance for Pakistan and enable Pakistan to complete the war preparations simultaneously with the Republic.

In Islamabad, Pei Chengyi met his current wife, Liu Qingqing, who was a secret secretary in the Republic in Pakistan at that time.

The two only took half of the Eastern time to get married. As a "flash marriage", Pei Chengyi's attention was not Liu Qingqing's identity as a diplomat, nor was Liu Yulong, the father-in-law who was the director of the South Asia Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic at the time, but his similar working environment. As the secretary of the embassy and consulate abroad, Liu Qingqing worked abroad for a long time, just like Pei Chengyi's long-term work in the army, and had long been adapted to a person's life. Even if her husband was not around for a long time, he would not have many complaints. According to the investigation of divorced soldiers conducted by the Ministry of National Defense, most of them were related to the long-term separation of the couple.

Marriage and daughter changed Pei Chengyi's life and also affected his career.

Like any father, Pei Chengyi spent more energy on his daughter and on his family. Because he was assigned a single-family courtyard, Pei Chengyi took his mother, who was paralyzed from cerebral hemorrhage in his early years to Pakistan. He also hired two Pakistani military service staff.

It can be said that in the past two years in Pakistan, Pei Chengyi has been more like an ordinary person.

Of course, Pei Chengyi did not forget the responsibilities of a soldier because of this.

There are many things, and the changes in the Republic are even more significant.

Mid-year, after Ran was safe again, his wife Yu Qing began to swing his axe with a sharp ear.

It seems that this leads to political reform not much; in fact, it is a necessary step to deepen political reform.

According to the "Implementation Rules for the Revision and Adjustment of Administrative Regions" passed by the All Congress in July 2018, the next provincial administrative regions in the country did not include the Macau and Hong Kong Special Administrative Regions and differentiated into Zhao provincial administrative regions through reorganization. The newly added provincial administrative regions include the former Xinjiang Ili Kazakh Autonomous Region of Ili Kazakh Autonomous Region, the former Xinjiang Bayingoleng Mongolia Autonomous Region of the former Xinjiang Bayingoleng Mongolia Autonomous Region, the former Xinjiang Hoshi region and Hotan region of Shanbei Tibetan Autonomous Region, the former Tibet Ali and Rikze region of Shannan City, Shannan City of Tibet, Milin and Medog County of Linzhi, and the recovered southern Tibet region, the Alxa League of West Mongolia Autonomous Region, Bayannur City and Ordos City, Hulunbuir City and Xing'an League of Hulunbuir City, Jiuquan City, Zhangye City, Jinchang City and Wuwei City, and Western Sichuan Autonomous Region

District Aba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture and Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Dongchuan Municipality Dazhou City, Bazhong City, Nanchong City and Guang'an City, Northern Province Daxinganling Region, Heihe City, Qiqihar City, and Yichun City, Southwest Autonomous Region Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Lijiang City, Dali Bai Autonomous Prefecture, Baoshan City, Lincang City, Nujiang Image Autonomous Region and Panzhihua City, Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture, Liaodong Municipality Dalian City, Ying

The administrative divisions of the city, Anshan City and Dandong City, Weihai City, Yantai City and Qingdao City, Xuzhou City, Lianyungang City, Suqian City, Huai'an City and Yan City, Longyan City, Zhangzhou City, Xiamen City and Quanzhou City, the administrative divisions changed include Jilin Province, Hubei Province, Hunan Province, Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, Guizhou Province, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Guangdong Province, Jiangxi Province, Xijiang Province and Hebei Province.

This reform not only made provincial administrative regions smaller, but also made comprehensive adjustments to the national economic layout.

The division of autonomous regions with many people in Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Tibet and other places into Duojin, provincial administrative regions. The addition of several municipalities directly under the central government for neighboring countries such as Pakistan, Nepal, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and North Korea is very helpful to enhance border trade. Strengthen economic and trade exchanges between the Republic and surrounding areas. The sub-provincial cities in coastal developed areas are set as municipalities directly under the central government, such as Liaodong Municipality, Shanhuang Municipality directly under the central government, and Funan Municipality directly under the central government. It can more effectively exert the economic radiation capacity of Dalian, Qingdao, and Xiamen waiting for the large and developed cities to drive the economic development of surrounding areas. Establish new provincial administrative regions in relatively backward or remote areas, such as East "Municipality directly under the central government and northern Jiangsu Municipality directly under the central government. It can increase support for underdeveloped areas and accelerate the economic development of underdeveloped areas.

In addition to economic reasons, the main reason for adjusting the criminal offences of provincial administrative regions is political reform.

With the increase in the number of provincial administrative divisions, power will inevitably be dispersed, weakening the power of local governments, making it difficult for local governments to resist the reform policies of the central government. It is shocking. After the election of the new term, Wang Yuanqing accelerated the pace of political reform. In addition to universal suffrage for county-level grassroots representatives within the country, it also carried out old jin in Liaodong, Hebei, Shandong, Shanhuang, northern Jiangsu, Jiangsu, Shanghai, Xijiang, Fujian, Funan, Guangdong, Guangxi, Dongchuan and Chongqing. Provincial administrative regions carried out the pilot work of "Direct election of county-level grassroots governments", that is, the election of county-level congresses will replace the appointment of superiors, and directly generated county-level governments.

The reform has reached this point and is already unstoppable.

It can be said that it was not until this time that political reforms touched the core interests of local officials.

County-level representatives are directly elected by citizens, and then the representatives elected by citizens choose government officials. In this way, the responsible persons of county-level governments are no longer the higher-level government, but the representatives who vote for their votes and citizens who choose representatives. After changing the government's responsibility, the appointment of government officials is no longer entirely decided by the higher-level government, but by citizens. Although the reform is not thorough, for example, if county-level government officials want to be promoted, they still need to be promoted by superior government officials. However, if county-level government officials want to obtain support, they must be responsible for the citizens who choose them.

According to external predictions, Wang Yuanqing will continue along this road.

Before his second term ends, he will definitely promote "county-level grassroots government direct election" nationwide and implement "representative election" at provincial and municipal governments. If it advances at this speed, political reform cannot be completed during Wang Yuanqing's term. At least the central-level reform actions must be completed by the next head of state.

Wang Yuanqing's actions once again exceeded the outside world's predictions.

At the beginning of the year, the all-time congress passed the "Representatives Salary Management Law" submitted by the head of state. Yue Wuming's performance in the county-level organization work film Xun Ranfen began to promote "full-time representatives"

This reform has caused great controversy, but not many people are really opposed.

As the national legal process accelerates, the work burden of the plenary congress as the legislative body is becoming heavier and the agenda of representatives is becoming more and more complicated. If the previous methods are still adopted, representatives will not be able to temporarily participate in legislation and review work, and work efficiency will not be guaranteed, and the legal system will be more effectively promoted. The only way is to let the representatives get out of office and become full-time legislative and review personnel, and to perform the rights granted by the Constitution on behalf of the citizens who elect their elect.

The most discussed issue is that it means that the team is too large.

From the grassroots level to the central government, the total number of representatives exceeds 10,000. According to the average salary level of civil servants of the same level, the total annual salary ranges from 100 million to 100 million. Regardless of whether this expense will increase the tax burden, is it necessary to let so many representatives go out of business?

Wang Yuanqing has long considered this issue. All the implementation of the "full-time representative" system at the central and provincial levels has been implemented.

With the reform reaching this point, many people have guessed what the head of state will do next.

If we follow the original administrative system, from the central government to the local government, there are a total of central government, province, city, county, and township levels. Although the functions of the township-level administrative individuals have been weakened and many individuals are concentrated at the county level, the administrative management of level 4 is still too cumbersome.

If we want to increase the intensity of political reform, we must definitely reduce the administrative level. The most likely person to be taken away is the city between provinces and counties, and ultimately form the administrative level of the central, provincial and county levels. The number of provincial administrative divisions is expanded and the scope of provincial administrative divisions is narrowed, laying the foundation for the abolition of municipal administrative divisions.

This is indeed the case.

2 Ao Nian, the plenary congress passed the "Reform Law of Administrative Region Ge Daggers" submitted by the State Council.

Municipal administrative individuals will be gradually taken to take on the role of municipalities and autonomous regions to carry out pilot reforms first, and other provincial administrative regions will start reforms after the year of hard work, and provincial governments will directly lead county-level governments.

The direct result of this reform is that at least some thugs, such as Wan civil servants, will lose their jobs.

In order to reduce social unrest, the State Council has introduced relevant measures, that is, civil servants who dismiss or voluntarily resign will receive labor compensation related to their years of work divided by their work experience, and multiply the compensation of 2 times the total annual salary of the previous thugs, and so on, and receive reemployment training opportunities free of charge. The state shall bear the pension and medical care and other social welfare of resigning from the age of age to the age of age, and the state shall bear the part of the resignation and resigning from civil servants between the age of age and the age of age of age, and the state shall bear the pension and medical care and other social welfare of resigning from the age of age to the age of year.

Reduce the thugs. It’s just that no one has the ability to change the facts.

Fortunately, there is no problem of "overpower" in the Republic. Most civil servants under the age of 0 can find suitable jobs after receiving employment training. Civil servants from ages to ages can also find relatively satisfactory jobs. Civil servants over ages can receive high compensation from the state. Civil servants over the ages can receive high compensation from the state. The service life of this part of civil servants is generally more than ten thousand years, which is equivalent to being able to get compensation for the annual salary of the soup year. In addition, the full pension and medical insurance provided by the state will not worry about their source of living before starting to receive pension insurance at the age of 10,000.

With the reform reaching this point, the face of the Republic has undergone great changes.

Of course, what Pei Chengyi is most concerned about is the military changes in the Republic.

This month, every update of Dangong characters is above 2 times, and the update time is the morning thug and afternoon thug.
Chapter completed!