The foe was taken to the slaughter in Madrid, but Pei Chengyi was injured and won the second place at the front command.

Pei Chengyi has gained both the trip to the capital!! There are also some things to come out.

After adopting Pei Chengyi's suggestion and comprehensively adjusting the war plan, Wang Yuanqing only made one request. That is, he must conquer New Delhi within a month, and it is best to shorten it to Litian.

Although there is only one requirement, this requirement forced Pei Chengyi to adjust the profits of the war again.

It is not easy to attack New Delhi.

The main purpose of adjusting the war plan is to bypass New Delhi, avoid investing in the main force in New Delhi, and concentrate efforts to sweep the southern part of India. Although Pei Chengyi is very clear about the great political significance of the head of state's request, and also knows that only by capturing New Delhi as soon as possible can it make it more meaningful to end the war early, but when it comes to actual actions, the endless problems have caused Pei Chengyi to have a headache. Not to mention anything else, arranging troops and materials is enough to make Pei Chengyi re-weight the entire war plan and make a comprehensive adjustment to military deployment.

Fortunately, the head of state did not only make requests and not provide assistance.

According to the promise made by the head of state, the government will try its best to convince Pakistan to let the Pakistani army cooperate fully in the attack on New Delhi and exchange materials with Pakistan, that is, Pakistan will provide material support for the three field troops on the Western Front battlefield. After the transport fleet arrives in Karachi, it will hand over the same amount of materials to Junkistan.

Pei Chengyi was puzzled whether the Ba army would cooperate with Jinli.

At this time of the war, Pakistan's attitude had quietly changed. Overall, there were serious differences in the views of the two military and political circles of Kistan. According to what Pei Chengyi learned, the Pakistani political circle has changed its mind, believing that it should actively cooperate with the Republic's war actions, manage its own one-acre and three-part fields, make greater contributions to the Western Front battlefield, send troops to control the northwest and western regions of India, laying the foundation for sharing interests with the Republic after the war. The Kistan military's attitude is extremely tough, believing that the Pakistani army should seize New Delhi before the Republic Army and support a pro-Pakistan regime. Some radical generals even believe that India should be dismembered. At least, let the northwest of India become an independent country and fundamentally solve the military threats Pakistan faces.

From the Pakistani standpoint, the views of both factions make sense, but the ideas of politicians are more in line with the actual situation.

From the perspective of feasibility, the Pakistani military's viewpoint is not much operable.

Not to mention, when the Republic concentrated its efforts to fight the Eastern Front, the Pakistani Army sent armored troops across the border several times, believing that when India concentrated its efforts to deal with the main force of the Republic on the Eastern Front battlefield, it could attack New Delhi before the Republic's Army. The Kistan Army fought several small-scale battles on the Western Front. Although it made a breakthrough, it did not defeat the Indian Army. It also failed to open the door to New Delhi.

What Pei Chengyi was a little confused was that the Ba army messed up himself, but he shifted the blame to the Republican army.

Although this is understandable, after all, those Pakistani generals who advocated a forced attack on New Delhi need to make excuses for failure, the impact of doing so was very bad. Many unreasonable Pakistani soldiers and even many Pakistani civilians believed that the Republican army had dragged the Pakistani army. If China-Pakistan relations were not strong enough, some people with ulterior motives would have used this to cause trouble and spread rumors.

According to Pei Chengyi's understanding, the Pakistani army may not necessarily cooperate in the attack on New Delhi.

The reason is very simple. If the Pakistani military wants to make the previous arguments valid, it must try to prove that without the cooperation of the Pakistani army, the Republic's army cannot defeat New Delhi.

Of course, Pei Chengyi also believed that as long as the Republic's army attacked outside New Delhi, the Pakistani army would actively cooperate.

The reason is also very simple. The Pakistani army cannot watch the Republican army occupy New Delhi. Although this will make the outside world think that the Pakistani army lacks combat effectiveness, in the absence of a way to change the facts, the Pakistani army must seize the opportunity and create opportunities for the future in New Delhi.

The key is whether Pakistan agrees to exchange combat supplies with the Republic.

According to Pei Chengyi's estimate, the problem should not be very big. Since Wang Yuanqing has made a guarantee, he will put pressure on the Pakistani government.

According to the attitude of the Pakistani government, when the Republic's army decides to attack New Delhi, it will definitely support it actively and will not drag it down. In other words, if you can defeat New Delhi one day earlier, Kistan will end the war one day earlier and reduce the impact of the war on the country. This is definitely a great thing for the Pakistani government, which takes maintaining national stability as its top priority. From another perspective, even if the Pakistani army does nothing on the battlefield, as long as it actively cooperates with the Republic's army, the Pakistani government will become the ultimate beneficiary, which will at least make most voters believe that the government's war decisions are correct and play a major role in safeguarding and defending Pakistan's national interests.

What Pei Chengyi values ​​most is combat materials.

According to the situation on the Eastern Front battlefield, as long as material support is in place in time, the problem of the three armies attacking New Delhi is not very big.

Of course, Pei Chengyi must consider another issue, that is, how to send combat supplies to the front line.

Although the field army has a logistics support force, the field army's logistics support force can only provide tactical support for combat troops, and the support scope is calculated in units of thugs with a thousand meters of stacks. Campaign support needs to be responsible for professional logistics forces. Unfortunately, all professional support forces are concentrated on the battlefield on the Eastern Front. In other words, the problem of transporting materials from the rear to the front is very prominent.

Because Wang Yuanqing didn't mention this

Ding Hu. Therefore, Pei Chengyi can only find a way to solve some problems by air transport, but it cannot solve all problems. Most of the materials, especially those that cannot be air transported or dropped, can only be transported by railways and roads.

To take the ground transportation route, you must consider the safety of the supply line.

There is no doubt that even killing the field troops must concentrate their forces on the front line and cannot guard the logistics supply line.

This problem is even more difficult to solve, because the only one who can cooperate with the Republic's army on the Western Front battlefield can fight. It cannot rely on the troops of Bangladesh, Nepal and other countries to control the occupied areas like the Eastern Front battlefield, and there are not as many as hundreds of thousands of professional support troops.

After thinking about it, Pei Chengyi still has to make trouble for Ba Jun.

Back in Vozilabad, the first thing Pei Chengyi did was to contact the Chief of Staff of Pakistan. He made his attitude openly and honestly, saying that the Republic's Army would first attack New Delhi, Pei Chengyi bluntly proposed that the Pakistani army needed to provide logistics supply support. In order to make the Pakistani Chief of Staff feel profitable, Pei Chengyi also clearly mentioned that according to the agreement reached before the war, the Republic's Army was only responsible for front-line combat operations, and the Pakistani army was responsible for the management of the occupied areas.

This move has an immediate effect.

Managing the occupied areas is equivalent to recognizing Pakistan's dominance in the northwest and western regions of India.

Of course, if you want to manage the occupied areas, you must bear relevant responsibilities and obligations, that is, be responsible for the logistics support work of the Republic's army.

After reaching an agreement with the Chief of Pakistan's General Staff, Pei Chengyi asked Dongfang Wen to take several staff members who were responsible for logistics support to the General Staff of Pakistan, and then contacted the Republic's ambassador to Pakistan, asking the embassy to send diplomatic personnel to assist in solving diplomatic issues as soon as possible.

Are there any diplomatic problems?

Of course not. Operational actions are operational actions and there is no diplomatic problem.

Pei Chengyi asked the embassy to intervene in logistics support. He simply wanted to use the government's influence to let the Pakistani government restrain the Pakistani army.

It can be seen from this that Pei Chengyi is still worried that the Pakistani military will drag him down.

Even if the Pakistani military does not drag its back and actively cooperates, the problem is still prominent.

The reality before Pei Chengyi is that he must launch an attack in both directions at the same time. To be precise, it is to launch an attack in both strategic directions.

This was the first time that Pei Chengyi faced such a problem when the war was fought.

Although in the Eastern Front decisive battle, at most, the Eastern Front decisive battle was at the same time, the Eastern Front decisive battle was only a strategic direction. The battles on the individual battlefields were all tactical and combat levels, and there was no problem of multi-line combat. At the same time, the attack in both strategic directions was not only a severe test for Pei Chengyi's command ability, but also a severe test for the combat capabilities of the Republic's army.

Not to mention anything else, can the support force Pei Chengyi’s hands meet the combat needs in both directions at the same time?

This issue is very prominent when planning the campaign.

Because the combat operations in the direction of New Delhi were related to the Pakistani army and were relatively complicated, Pei Chengyi was personally responsible for the battle and punishment in that direction. According to his estimate, if he only invested in the field army, if he wanted to capture New Delhi within a month, he had to invest at least a tactical fighter jet and a small low-altitude attack aircraft, and he had to invest about one-third of the tactical airlift force; if he wanted to follow the highest requirements of the head of state, that is, to capture New Delhi within the litian, the air support force would increase at least, and the airlift force would increase.

By this calculation, Pei Chengyi had to put more than half of the air force and air transport force in his hands on the battlefield on the Western Front.

Before getting another battle plan under Yuan Chenhao's charge, Pei Chengyi knew that this wouldn't work.

Yuan Chenhao was responsible for the operation of the westward advance. According to the combat plan he formulated, "When first investing in and out of the army, at least he needed to provide thugs for the offensive troops, such as tactical fighters and low-altitude attack aircraft. Because the westward advancement is far away from the rear supply line, the speed of the engineering troops repairing the traffic line cannot keep up with the advancement speed of the troops, so tactical airlift forces above purpur are needed to use tactical airlift forces above to transport combat supplies to the offensive troops.

The addition of the two far exceeds the actual force of the support force.

Pei Chengyi also had to consider one issue, that is, when Yuan Chenhao was formulating a combat plan and making a young age, he had already considered the attack on New Delhi and assigned more support tasks to artillery, and did not rely too much on the aviation. Whether this would be the case, and the impact of increasing the combat intensity of artillery on logistics support, may cause major adjustments to Yuan Chenhao's combat plan when implemented.

In short, the support force in Pei Chengyi's hands is far from meeting the combat needs.

There are only two solutions: one is to postpone the westward combat operation and wait until the offensive operation in the direction of New Delhi has made substantial progress before starting. Avoid the peak period of support on both fronts arrive at the same time, so as to allocate support forces more reasonably; the other is to increase the investment of ground troops, reduce the dependence of combat troops on long-range support forces, adopt the offensive tactic of slow and fast, and stagger the peak period of two fronts.

Relatively speaking, Pei Chengyi is more willing to choose the latter.

The westward movement must not be delayed, because the Indian army is working hard to strengthen the defense line west of Bhopal. A stronger defensive position is built on the south bank of the Nalmoda River. If the attack cannot be launched before the Indian army is ready, the assault war will become a tough battle, and the offensive operation will definitely be affected. Even if the effort is in vain.

It is not impossible to join the ground forces, but to invest in which battlefield?

In other words, it is in "one slow and one fast". Which side is slow and which side is fast?

Because the combat operations against Bhopal were much smoother than expected, the Nu Army still had some combat power, especially the Mechanized Infantry Brigade, which had sufficient combat power, and the other two brigades could also go to the battlefield again after a short rest. The situation of the Knife Army was relatively bad, but Ling Yunxiao would not miss the opportunity. It is very likely that before fully recovering his combat power, he would lead some troops with stronger combat power. For example, the A Assault Brigade participated in the battle. The Knife Army was resting in accordance with the Jige. Some combat troops could recover their combat power around the lunar day. The Guijun was coming and was expected to arrive at Bhopal around the lunar day. If it was really necessary, he could also dispatch Mi Army or Dajun to participate in the battle after the lunar day. Of course, the most powerful army in Pei Chengyi's hands was the Knife Army.

Although the Knife Army deployed thugs in Northeast India for months, most of the time they did not perform combat missions. Before heading to Bhopal, the Knife Army's main task was to recruit the surrendered Indian Army Northeast Army Group, and the officers and soldiers basically did not have combat fatigue. Yuan Chenhao did not let the Knife Army take on the sudden task. It was not that he did not intend to use the Knife Army, but was preparing to let the Knife Army take on the main offensive task after he made a breakthrough. In other words, he first gave up the troops to tear open the main defense line of the Indian army, and then let the Knife Army fight to the coastal areas of the Arabian Sea in one go. The combat effectiveness of the two strategic reactive armies was maximized to avoid the overall decline in the combat effectiveness of the troops.

When Pei Chengyi was unwilling to slow down the speed of advancing west, the sword army had to follow behind.

In this way, other combat troops can basically only participate in battle after the old days.

At this time, Pei Chengyi had to consider a new question. That is, after occupying the army, is it necessary to invest more ground troops on the battlefield of advancing westward and how much effect can it have. The same problem exists in the offensive operations in the direction of New Delhi.

It can be said that this is a very test of the commander's concentration.

Only by making accurate judgments on the situation can we correctly have combat power and produce the best results.

As always, Pei Chengyi did not make a decision immediately. With his command style, he would not make a decision before the situation became clear.

In other words, the battle will hit the thug of the mouth and the moon. It will definitely usher in a very critical turning point.

Whether it is attacking west from Bhopal or attacking New Delhi, within 0 days, the first batch of combat troops invested can make decisive progress. At that time, based on the specific circumstances of the two battlefields, we will decide which direction to invest reinforcements to ensure the reasonable use of combat forces.

After making this decision, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao adjusted the support force together.

Entering the specific tactical and criminal stage, the problem of fighting on both sides was completely exposed. Although the front-line commanders had hundreds of staff members, considering the complexity of fighting on both sides, Pei Chengyi and Yuan Chenhao took on most of the work and did not hand over the matters related to the life and death of the front-line soldiers to their staff members.

From noon to the early morning of Kouyue 6, the two of them had been in the tactical command center to make small tactical operations.

Of course, as the front-line commander-in-chief and deputy commander-in-chief, the two only need to consider the combat tasks of the first-level combat units of the brigade, and the combat tasks of the following combat units are the responsibility of the military headquarters. In other words, the front-line command must issue combat tasks to each army when the operation begins. Only then can each army headquarters have enough time to formulate more detailed tactical plans and issue combat strategies to combat units at all levels.

In the early morning of the month and the day, Pei Chengyi handed over the combat plan to the communications consultant.

Distributing combat missions is a very simple thing. Relying on advanced military communication systems, each military headquarters can receive combat missions within half an hour.

According to Pei Chengyi's regulations, the offensive action will be divided into two parts on the 6th of the Kouyue.

Because the Pakistani military can only hand over combat supplies to three field troops on the Western Front battlefield before the early morning of the 7th of the month, and the three field troops will need to be handled around the time to distribute combat supplies to combat troops at all levels, the concave troops that have arrived in Bhopal will attack and the march towards New Delhi will begin on the night of the 7th of the month. The small interval between offensive operations in the two directions is not only not a problem, but it can also stagger the peak period before the attack, allowing the aviation troops to concentrate their forces to provide fire support in two sessions.

Pei Chengyi arranged the task and when he went back to sleep, the Madrid diplomat was still slapping his mouth

.

Although the United States has always requested a formal armistice negotiation as soon as possible, Chinese negotiators have always adhered to the basic negotiation principles. Pakistan and several other countries also believe that the conditions for formal negotiations are not yet mature, and even India believes that it takes more time to prepare for formal negotiations.

India's attitude is easy to understand, because India is not willing to conduct public negotiations.

Because I have mastered first-hand information and knew that the Chinese army was about to launch an attack, the United States' anxious mood is completely understandable.

The problem is that diplomatic negotiations are not military actions and cannot be achieved overnight.

Since the informal meeting did not have much impact on the war, Wang Yuanqing did not ask Xiang Yinghui to tell Pei Chengyi about the negotiations.

As long as the next round of attack is launched step by step, it will have no impact on the Republic or not.
Chapter completed!