The political situation of Bu Heguo is going. When the global news media are looking for answers, Pei Chengyi, who is far away from the earth, is also considering this issue...

Although Pei Chengyi is not a politician and has not entered the decision-making circle of the Republic, as a soldier, he can understand Wang Yuanqing's situation better than others, because in his opinion, the head of state put forward the "constitutional amendment theory" at this time and wanted to complete the last round of reform before leaving office by amending the constitution. It is a "final battle" that must be defeated by many powerful enemies, only win but not lose, and no second way out. More importantly, Pei Chengyi, who is in Buenos Aires, can be considered half an outsider. Not only can he understand the news reports of overseas media more conveniently, but he can also observe the situation in the Republic from different perspectives, thereby drawing unique conclusions.

In Pei Chengyi's opinion, what happened more than a year ago calmed the foreshadowing of the current situation.

To trace the root of the source, in the late stage of the Eastern Front decisive battle in the Indian War, Wang Yuanqing adopted Pei Chengyi's suggestion and made a comprehensive adjustment to the overall war strategy and thugs. It is the root of the entire incident. You should know that according to the initial war strategy, the Indian war can only end at the second half of the year of Li Mi, and at the latest it may be delayed until the end of the year of drowning. Because Wang Yuanqing will not hand over the war to the next head of state, the Indian war will not be delayed until the year of blade. If the initial profit is carried out, Wang Yuanqing will hand over the regime to Yan Jingyu at the beginning of the 2-year-old year, and then use this kilogram to achieve the grand goal of political reform in the past year. Although Pei Chengyi never thought about it carefully, in the situation at that time, if Yan Jingyu came to power, Pei Chengyi would definitely be the one who served as the Chief of Staff.

The reason is very simple. Yan Jingyu was deeply influenced by Wang Yuanqing. He was not only determined to reform, but also had the courage and courage to promote reform. Among all the necessary factors, Yan Jingyu only lacked support from the army, so he needed a chief of staff who had a lofty prestige and a certain political mind in the army. No matter from which perspective, Pei Chengyi was the best choice.

Perhaps in the eyes of many people, Pei Chengyi's excellent performance in the Indian War ruined his political future, but Pei Chengyi never regretted it. The reason is very simple. Ji Chengyi's ideal was not to become the Chief of Staff, or in other words, not to become the Chief of Staff at this time.

Winning the Indian War within half a year is both beneficial and disadvantageous.

The old saying goes well, hasteness will lead to failure.

Formulating a war plan to send thugs. Around 10 years, it was not a decision made by Wang Yuanqing on a whim, nor was it a conjecture made out of nothing by Pei Chengyi, but a result obtained after careful calculations and repeated deductions. In other words, how long the war will last is not only determined by the strength of the opponent, but also by the strength of the Republic. War is not only a struggle on the battlefield, but also a struggle outside the battlefield. For the Republic, it is not difficult to defeat the Indian army, but the difficult thing is how to maintain the post-war situation in India. Taking a large-scale battle in about a year is the compromise result of the superposition of various factors and the compromise between various factors.

The best choice. When Pei Chengyi shortened this time by more than half, although it could minimize the casualties and reduce war expenses, it caused many unpredictable and uncontrollable serious consequences in other aspects. Not to mention, Yue Nian, the largest expenditure of the Republic was aid to India. Although it was impossible to accurately count the aid funds invested by the Republic in India after the war, according to the most conservative estimate, due to insufficient preparations, the scale of the Republic's aid to India after the war was definitely increased by more than one trillion yuan due to the initial Jigo's initial fraud, and the economic losses to the Republic were more than one trillion yuan.

In addition to economic impact, the impact on political reform cannot be underestimated.

According to Pei Chengyi's speculation, because post-war expenses far exceeded the budget, Wang Yuanqing had to accelerate the pace of political reform in Renmienian in order to gain more support from interest groups that support political reform, especially national capitalists and private enterprise groups. Reform itself is a systematic project, and economy and politics influence each other. Wang Yuanqing could not only make a fuss in the economic field. More importantly, when political reform reaches this point, it is surprising that interests demand not only economic benefits, but also desire to obtain political benefits.

Not to mention that Pei Chengyi is a politically savvy soldier, even ordinary soldiers can feel how fierce the domestic struggle is.

Through the "Industrial Structure Adjustment" initiated by Ji Youguo, the national capitalists and private enterprises in the Republic rose rapidly, especially after a large number of overseas Chinese businessmen such as Lin Yanbo, Li Chengwen, and Ye Yongji returned to the country with the wealth accumulated overseas, private economic interest groups grew rapidly. Although during Zhao Rundong's administration, the reform of the Republic was once limited to a stagnant state, Zhao Rundong inherited Ji Youguo's reform route well and consolidated the reform results of Ji's wounded country in a way that "rest and recuperate", allowing a large number of private enterprises that were still slightly immature in front of state-owned enterprises that controlled social public resources to gain valuable opportunities for development and growth, including

Dozens of private enterprises, including the "Zhongzhong Group", which entered the ranks of the world's top 0 during Wang Yuanqing's administration, laid the foundation at this time. When Wang Yuanqing began to implement "political reform", the national capitalists and private entrepreneurs of the Republic no longer pursued economic interests, but political rights. The problem is that no interest group was willing to give up the interests. From the perspective of Li Dao Nian, the interest groups at that time were definitely not national capitalists and private entrepreneurs, but state-owned enterprises, especially those senior managers who controlled the state and used their own resources and public power to gain Leeds.

It is no exaggeration to say that the heart year of political reform is the old year of struggle for interest groups.

As a soldier, Pei Chengyi knew very well what happened in the past year. When he was the director of the Operations Department in the General Staff, Pei Chengyi participated in the basic research and development of two fighter jets, Xiaojiu and Xiaokou. Although the development and production of these two fifth-generation fighter jets were finally handed over to private enterprises, as far as Pei Chengyi knew, during the competition stage, several state-owned enterprises not only had the advantage, but also obtained more generous pre-research contracts. If it weren't for the state-owned enterprises being too unsatisfied, the one who laughed the last one would definitely not be a private enterprise.

Of course, there are many individuals involved in the struggle of the group.

After the Japanese War, before Pei Chengyi left the General Staff to further study, the senior officials of the General Staff who were handed over to the judicial authorities to be sentencing according to law had exceeded the old people, and at least half of these people were related to the struggle for interests.

As far as Pei Chengyi knows, at least two people were imprisoned for the procurement of regular military supplies because they accepted bribes.

No matter what, if domestic struggles lose control, there will be only disadvantages and no benefits.

Before the Indian War, domestic struggles were still under control. No matter how serious the riot was, they could always be resolved in a high-sounding way or acceptable to all stakeholders.

The problem is that after the Indian War, domestic struggles became more intense. It was not so easy to solve.

In fact, Pei Chengyi gave up his position as the Chief of Staff, which was a big laugh in the excessively fierce domestic struggle.

This is not difficult to understand. With Pei Chengyi's personality, he will definitely not take risks without any certainty. After the end of the Indian War, Pei Chengyi could only confirm one thing, that is, Wang Yuanqing would never seek the third term and would step down at the beginning of the four firsts. In this way, Pei Chengyi had to think twice about his future. Without Wang Yuanqing's next head of state, striving for the Chief of Staff is likely to be a "death of death". In Pei Chengyi's view, if the successor was not Yan Jingyu, but Gu Weimin, no one could achieve success in surpassing Xiang Yinghui in the position of Chief of Staff. It would be even more impossible to become a Chief of Staff like Peng Maobang. Even at the end of the year, Pei Chengyi would have enough

There are enough reasons to believe that Wang Yuanqing is likely to give up his position to Gu Weimin. Let Yan Jingyu take over in five or ten years, and hand over the unfinished reform task to Gu Weimin, so that Yan Jingyu can lead the Republic into a new era in a relatively relaxed environment. In this way, Pei Chengyi has no reason to compete for the Chief of General Staff. More importantly, in Pei Chengyi's view, if Gu Weimin succeeds, it is very likely that a serious political struggle will break out in the Year of the Television or in the Year of the Yen. In other words, when he becomes the Chief of General Staff in Liu Nian, no matter what political choice he makes, he will experience this struggle. Because the Chief of General Staff is a soldier and not a politician, he is likely to become a victim of political struggle.

Choosing to go to the equipment office is Pei Chengyi’s response.

Yuenian. Pei Chengyi saw a lot and learned a lot.

Like his judgment, although Wang Yuanqing solved many problems, the internal struggles in the Republic have not stopped and even tended to become more and more intense. All contradictions mostly point to the same end, imprisoning the transfer of power at the beginning of the year.

For more than a year, Pei Chengyi has been unable to understand something.

According to his judgment, if Wang Yuanqing was determined to withdraw from the political stage of the Republic in the year of the Blade and resolve domestic conflicts, he should adopt a policy of gentleness rather than continuing his iron-fisted measures. The fact is that Wang Yuanqing did not resolve internal conflicts in a moderate way and still adhered to his principle of habit. At first, Pei Chengyi also believed that Wang Yuanqing would seek a third term because only he could clean up the mess. However, many signs indicate that Wang Yuanqing did not have the idea of ​​becoming the head of the Republic for the third time.

It was not until February that Pei Chengyi suddenly woke up.

In order to achieve the goal in the most secure way, Wang Yuanqing adopted the most unexpected method.

The most important thing is that Wang Yuanqing's actions made Pei Chengyi understand one of the most important things, that is, at the beginning of political reform, the Republic was actually far from being as powerful as it was outside the outside world, but was plagued by illness. Even if it was described as "ill and blind" as "blind".

To understand this, it is not difficult for Pei Chengyi to think that political reform was a last resort.

If you want to go deeper, it is not difficult to understand that Wang Yuanqing caused such a big storm before leaving office, rather than leaving quietly like Zhao Rundong back then, nor did he leave a rich political legacy for his successor like Ji Youguo. It is precisely because the internal contradictions in the Republic are too sharp and must be resolved as soon as possible. Of course, this also shows that Wang Yuanqing does not fully trust his successor and believes that the next head of state will not complete the political reform according to his arrangements.

At this point, Pei Chengyi doesn't need to continue guessing.

The next head of state must be Gu Weimin, and Wang Yuanqing does not trust Gu Weimin very much. In this way, Yan Jingyu will be transferred from Premier of the State Council to Deputy Head of State or Chairman of the All Congress, with Ye Zhisheng as Premier of the State Council, and Lin Xiaolei as Chief of Staff of the Three Armed Forces.

One thing Pei Chengyi couldn't understand, that is, how Wang Yuanqing ensured that Gu Weimin could hand over the power of the state to Yan Jingyu after the year, or after the old year, he had already had the influence of estimating the country, and after the old year, Wang Yuanqing was still young enough, and he said that he was based on Pei Chengyi's view, unless he was absolutely sure. Wang Fangqing was not sure of his tremendous amount of money and later interfered in state affairs. In other words, he had to use a certain system to restrain Gu Weimin. If Wang Yuanqing considered it long-term enough, he might even weaken the power of the head of state through the system, and fundamentally eliminated the political turmoil caused by the transfer of power.

On the morning of Buenos Aires, after watching the news program, Pei Chengyi's doubts were answered.

Wang Yuanqing did consider it long-term enough and his courage was amazing. If the "Constitution Amendment" is fully implemented, it will be not only Gu Weimin who will be restricted in the end, but not only the head of state. The political system of the entire republic and even the most basic political foundation will undergo earth-shaking changes.

More importantly, Pei Chengyi could see at a glance that Wang Yuanqing would definitely laugh to the end.

Perhaps in the eyes of outsiders, when the "Constitutional Amendment" was proposed, Wang Yuanqing sounded the clarion call for the decisive battle of political reform. In Pei Chengyi's eyes, this was a battle that had been planned long ago, and almost all the advantages were in the hands of Wang Yuanqing. Pei Chengyi even believed that Wang Yuanqing had prepared for the final decisive battle of political reform more than a year ago, before the outbreak of the Indian War.

No matter how many reasons are listed, only one thing is needed to prove Pei Chengyi's judgment: the third military reform.

Looking back on the third military reform, Pei Chengyi had to admit that Wang Yuanqing's ability to fight was amazing.

Although Pei Chengyi did not deny that the main purpose of the third military reform was to reduce military expenditures and serve the overall strategic transformation of the Republic, after seeing the causes and consequences, Pei Chengyi must admit that another important purpose of the third military reform was to "clean the army." Not to mention anything else, through this military reform, soldiers with some ideas were "special treatment". For example, when Pei Chengyi left the General Staff, Zhang Zhongxian's power as the commander of the Air Force was fully challenged by the new chief of staff of the Air Force. Navy Chief of Staff Zhang Weichang was sent to take charge of equipment development, and even the unknown Yuan Chenhao was sent to South Asia. Not all of these people were suppressed. In Pei Chengyi's view, some people were just "hidden" to avoid becoming victims of political struggles. No matter what, no matter what, what?

As a result, one must be affirmed, that is, through the third military reform, Wang Yuanqing's control over the army has reached an unparalleled level. Although Pei Chengyi is very clear that this state will not continue, after all, some substantive issues of military reform have already had an impact on the interests of soldiers. Unless Wang Yuanqing is preparing to give up the primary purpose of military reform, he or she must adjust the strategy as soon as possible. He or she no longer treats military reform as a tool to promote political reform, so as not to cause bad consequences, Pei Chengyi is more aware that at least in the future, no one can shake Wang Yuanqing's influence in the army. As long as he or she receives the support of the army, coupled with Wang Yuanqing's lofty status in the minds of the people, no one can obstruct political reform!

After understanding this truth, Pei Chengyi suddenly felt much more relaxed.

There is no doubt that even if the Indian war drags on to the end of the Limi year or ends in the second half of the Phenol year, Wang Yuanqing will propose the "Constitutional Amendment" at the beginning of the year to complete the most critical and important step in political reform in the most extreme way, and fundamentally ensure the success of political reform.

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In fact, even if there is not so much analysis, as long as you understand Wang Yuanqing's personality, you will know that he will do this.

No matter what, this made Pei Chengyi less ideological burden.

Of course, as a foreign military adviser, Pei Chengyi must face many practical problems.

That afternoon, he received a call from the Argentine Minister of Defense. When he arrived at the Argentine Ministry of Defense, he found that the person who invited him was not the Argentine Minister of Defense, but the Argentine President Theron. Needless to say, Theron must have learned some "insider information" from Alfonso, Trescu and others that he knew that Pei Chengyi was a not simple soldier, so he wanted to learn some "internal news" from Pei Chengyi. As the head of state, even if Theron gave Pei Chengyi a face, he had to consider the political influence that arises. So he did not directly summon Pei Chengyi, but met with Pei Chengyi secretly through the Ministry of Defense.

With the experience of dealing with Alfonso and others, Pei Chengyi seemed extremely relaxed.

In less than half an hour, Pei Chengyi made Theron believe that the political situation of the Republic will not be turbulent, and that the basic foreign policy, especially the relationship with Argentina, will not change. In order to give the Argentine president a stable sleep, Pei Chengyi even hinted that before leaving the head of state, Wang Yuanqing was likely to determine the Republic's basic foreign policy through legislation, thereby ensuring the fundamental interests of the allies.

It has to be said that Pei Chengyi has super eloquence that is rare among soldiers.

After returning to the presidential palace with satisfaction, Pei Chengyi also returned to the residence arranged by the Argentine Ministry of Defense.

That night, Pei Chengyi received a call from Li Cunxun from the other side of the earth. The head of state has officially signed the arms sales contract to Afghanistan. It will be formally submitted to the Military Committee of the Plenary Congress within the month. As long as the approval of the Plenary Congress is obtained, the arms sales agreement will officially take effect. In addition, the list of members of the "Military Advisory Group" has been drafted. As long as Pei Chengyi does not object, the first person will arrive within the month.

At this point, Pei Chengyi turned his attention to his job, because according to his agreement with Li Cunxun, this is a signal that the war will break out within the year.
Chapter completed!